Springfield News-Sun

Rittenhous­e and the right’s white vigilante heroes

- Charles Blow Charles M. Blow writes for The New York Times. Michelle Goldberg will return soon.

Kyle Rittenhous­e, the 18-year-old who shot and killed two men and wounded a third last year during protests of the police shooting of Jacob Blake, was found not guilty Friday of all charges by a Wisconsin jury.

One can argue about the particular­s of the case, about the strength of the defense and the ham-handedness of the prosecutio­n, about the outrageous­ly unorthodox manner of the judge and the infantiliz­ing of the defendant. But perhaps the most problemati­c aspect of this case was that it represente­d yet another data point in the long history of some parts of the right valorizing white vigilantes who use violence against people of color and their white allies.

Rittenhous­e has emerged as a hero and cause célèbre on the right, with people donating to help him make bail and one Republican strategist telling Politico that he “could see a future in which Rittenhous­e becomes a featured speaker at the conservati­ve confabs where activists congregate.”

The idea of taking the law into one’s own hands not only to protect order, but also to protect the order, is central to the maintenanc­e of white power and its structures. The killers of Ahmaud Arbery on trial in Georgia are also vigilantes.

George Zimmerman, the man who shot and killed Trayvon Martin in 2012, was also a vigilante, and also embraced by the right. Money also poured in for Zimmerman’s defense . ...

Perhaps the most prolonged period of violent white vigilantis­m occurred in the decades following the Civil War, as lynchings surged.

This vigilante impulse, what some call justice and others terror, has been a central feature of the American experience. So has the way people have made heroes of vigilantes, encouragin­g, supporting and defending them.

When Donald Trump was running for office in 2016, he encouraged his supporters to assault rabble-rousers at his rallies while promising, “I’ll pay the legal fees.”

The St. Louis couple who waved guns in front of Black Lives Matter protesters in the summer of 2020 were invited to speak at the Republican National Convention.

One could argue that the entire Jan. 6 insurrecti­on was one enormous act of vigilantis­m . ...

Black vigilantes are not celebrated, but feared, condemned and constraine­d by the law.

Perhaps one of the more prominent Black groups that one could argue had a vigilante impulse was the Black Panthers. They were seen as a threat. As I have written before, in 1967, when the Panthers showed up armed at the California State Legislatur­e, a largely white place of power, the public was aghast.

Then-gov. Ronald Reagan said: “I don’t think that loaded guns is the way to solve a problem that should be solved between people of good will. And anyone who would approve of this kind of demonstrat­ion must be out of their mind.”

The California Legislatur­e passed, and Reagan signed, the Mulford Act, which banned the open carry of firearms in the state. The N.R.A. supported the measure. The bill’s author, Don Mulford, said at the time, “We’ve got to protect society from nuts with guns.”

Whether a vigilante is viewed as radical or righteous is often a condition of the skin they’re in.

And the verdict in the Rittenhous­e case is only likely to encourage more vigilantes, those who want to keep or impose “order,” those irked by the idea that disorder could flow from injustice, those who don’t want to see streets filled with people demanding equity. ...

The worst thing for America would be that this case becomes exemplar and precursor.

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