Sun Sentinel Broward Edition

Scholarly take on Broward

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“I just know the guy is a different guy,” said Douglas Broward, a businessma­n in Atlanta.

Officials removed the former governor’s statue overnight Wednesday from its 24-year home inside the Broward County Courthouse and put it in storage, acquiescin­g to criticism that the statue did not deserve such a place of honor.

“When you’re at a courthouse, it’s an epicenter of fairness, justice and equality for all, and it’s supposed to represent due process for all,” said Harold Pryor, president of the TJ Reddick Bar Associatio­n, a local group of black lawyers that sought the statue’s removal after learning of Napoleon Broward’s segregatio­nist writings.

Broward’s family hopes the county’s decision does not cause people to forget his other achievemen­ts, but his legacy has definitely taken a hit from the revelation of a 1907 address he made as governor to the state Legislatur­e. of goods sold to him,” he said.

Sara Combs, a professor at Virginia Highlands Community College who wrote a thesis about early 20th century race reform, said Broward was part of the progressiv­e movement within Florida’s Democratic Party.

“For the progressiv­e movement in general, race was the weak spot of the movement,” Combs said. “The progressiv­es tended to share the white supremacis­t ideas that were very popular at the time … They tended to favor improving their economic condition and their status, but they did not favor political and social equality.”

Combs said the notion of a separate territory for blacks by Broward was odd for that time. The idea of a separate country for blacks was discussed before emancipati­on, but not when Broward broached it 40 years after the Civil War ended and postRecons­truction.

Combs said she didn’t know if Broward was offended by the lynchings and other violence against blacks and if that could have contribute­d to his position.

Paul Ortiz, a professor at the University of Florida who has done extensive research on Broward, said that’s not who Broward was. He doesn’t see the 1907 speech as looking out for black interests but as a warning shot for them to stay in their place.

The words aren’t just from anyone but are part of a thought-out speech delivered by the governor to the Legislatur­e, Ortiz said. The comments were “crass” and “insidious” in a state where the black vote virtually didn’t exist, which led the country in per capita lynchings and where most of the grueling labor was being done by blacks, he said.

“If Florida expelled all blacks in 1907, who would be left to do all the work?” Ortiz asked. “It would be impossible to do.”

Ortiz said Broward had other reasons for the comments. In the same year, the state Senate sought to nullify the 14th and 15th amendments to the U.S. Constituti­on, which gave blacks equal protection under the law and the right to vote. The effort failed, in part Ortiz said, because the state had already successful­ly subjugated blacks.

“I think it was a physical and moral and psychologi­cal attack,” Ortiz said of the speech. “Why would you want to pile on? Why would you want to rub people’s noses in it?”

of blacks in the state. He said in some light, what Napoleon Broward suggested wasn’t all that different from the creation of the state of Israel for Jews after World War II and the Holocaust.

“You think about anybody from history, you can take any one something of anything they ever said, and put it in a different context,” he said. “It just seems like everybody has come to a conclusion about him that I don’t believe.”

The idea of his greatgrand­father as liberator stems from Napoleon Broward’s role running guns to Cuba in its war against Spain before the United States entered the fray. Douglas Broward has an engraved gold pocket watch given to his great-grandfathe­r in 1896 by Cuban General Enrique Collazo in thanks for his help.

He also has stories about his great-grandfathe­r, who was Duval County sheriff in Jacksonvil­le in the 1890s, when a black deputy was shot and killed. That greatly upset Napoleon Broward, his great-grandson said, and he kept that bullet in memory of the deputy.

On another occasion, Sheriff Broward was able to stop a mob from lynching a black man who had killed a white man, telegraphi­ng the governor at the time for assistance from the state militia.

“It’s just to see someone you heard these stories about, and [then] you see this newspaper article, Broward the Segregatio­nist,” Douglas Broward said. “It’s really like a punch in the gut.”

Ortiz said there is more to the lynching story. When rumors of a lynch mob being formed circulated, blacks in Jacksonvil­le organized and protected the jail themselves, not allowing whites through and creating a showdown with the mob that eventually showed up. The arrival of the militia restored order and no lynching took place.

“He lost effective control of law enforcemen­t,” Ortiz said of Broward. The real heroes were the armed blacks who came out to defend the prisoner, he said.

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