Sun Sentinel Broward Edition

California comes up with illogical reparation­s bill

- Victor Davis Hanson

California’s state legislatur­e just passed, and Gov. Gavin Newsom signed, Assembly Bill 3121 to explore providing reparation­s to California’s African American population— 155 years after the abolition of slavery.

Apparently, when California’s one-party government cannot find solutions to current existentia­l crises, it turns to divisive issues that have little to do with the safety and well-being of its 40 million citizens.

When gasoline, sales and income taxes rose, and yet state schools became even worse, infrastruc­ture remained decrepit and deficits grew, California demanded that federal COVID-19 money bail out its own financial mismanagem­ent.

In a time of pandemic, mass quarantine, self-induced recession, riot, arson and looting, the California way is to borrow money to spend on something that will not address why residents can’t find a job, can’t rely on their power grid, can’t drive safely, can’t breathe the air, can’t ensure a high-quality education for their children, and can’t walk the streets of the state’s major cities without fear of being assaulted or stepping in excrement.

So it is a poor time to discuss reparation­s, even if therewere good reasons to borrow to pay out such compensati­on. But in fact there are none.

Four points:

One, California was admitted to the Union in 1850 as a free state. Its moral insistence 170 years ago that slavery be outlawed precipitat­ed a crisis— and almost sparked the Civil War 10 years before it actually began. Despite the efforts of some slave-owning arrivals into California, therewas never legal slavery in the state.

Two, about 27% of California residents were not born in the United States. Most of the naturalize­d citizens and undocument­ed immigrants arrived in the state after the Civil Rights Act was passed in 1964. How, then, do California residents from Asia, Latin America or Europe owe reparation­s to the current 6.5% of the state’s population that is African American?

Are we to establish a precedent that those whon ever owned slaves in a society that has no memory of slavery are to redistribu­te billions of their dollars to those whose grandparen­ts were never slaves?

Three, in a multi-ethnic, multiracia­l California— where those identifyin­g as white are a minority, and those of mixed ancestries number in the millions— how does the state adjudicate who owes what towhom?

Is an arriving Mexican immigrant a victim of institutio­nalized racism in Mexico, orwas he part of a Mexican establishm­ent notorious for its racism? In a multiracia­l state, will we adopt ancient “one drop” Confederat­e race laws to determine whose DNA qualifies someone for state money?

Should the state pay reparation­s to the descendant­s of Jews who fled the Holocaust, of Cambodians who fled Pol Pot’s reign of death, of Armenians who escaped Ottoman barbarity, or of Irish and Chinese who were worked to death on the Trans continenta­l Railroad?

Four, how will borrowing money to pay some 2million to 3million of the state’s 40 million residents make things easier for the African American population? And are multimilli­onaire state residents such as LeBron James, Oprah Winfrey, Kayne West, Jay-Zand Beyoncé eligible?

Did it mean nothing that trillions of dollars have been spent over the last half-century on anti-poverty programs, state entitlemen­ts, and diversity and inclusion programs?

If per-capita economic parity for the Black population is truly the state’s concern, then why not allow more charter schools in California’s inner cities? Or deregulate the state’s cumbersome bureaucrac­y to ensure small businesses more opportunit­y and less resistance to building low-income housing?

It is said that California fails because its wealthy elites virtue-signal their caring to square the circle of their own impotence to solve the problems in their midst. California­ns who live in gated homes often damn walls on the border. Those who depend on imported water damn water transferen­ce for agricultur­e. Those who put their children in private academies damn public charter schools. And those who raise taxes on the middle class have tax experts to findways of avoiding taxes.

In that context, Assembly Bill 3121 can be understood— as a loud virtue signal to make up for failed responses to concrete crises.

Victor Davis Hanson is a classicist and historian at the Hoover Institutio­n, Stanford University.

Distribute­d by Tribune Content Agency, LLC.

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