Sun Sentinel Broward Edition

What’s not the matter with Georgia?

- Paul Krugman Krugman is a columnist for The New York Times.

Right now, we all have Georgia on our minds. It’s probably going to end up called for Joe Biden; his lead is razor-thin, but most observers expect it to survive a recount. And the January runoff races in Georgia offer Democrats their last chance to take the Senate.

Beyond the immediate electoral implicatio­ns, however, the fact that Democrats are now competitiv­e in Georgia but not in Ohio, which appears to have become Trumpier than Texas, tells you a lot about where America is heading. In someways these changes in the electoral map offer reason for hope; but they also suggest looming problems for U.S. democracy.

Howdid Georgia turn faintly blue? As The Atlantic’s Derek Thompson wrote, in a phrase I wish I’d come up with, the great divide in American politics is now over “density and diplomas”: highly urbanized states— especially those containing large metropolit­an areas— with highly educated population­s tend to be Democratic.

Why this particular partisan associatio­n? Think about the longer-term political strategy of the modern GOP. Republican economic policy is relentless­ly plutocrati­c: tax cuts for the rich, benefit cuts for everyone else. The party has, however, sought to win over voters who aren’t rich by taking advantage of intoleranc­e— racial hostility, of course, but also opposition to social change in general.

But both living in large, diverse metropolit­an areas and being highly educated seem tomake voters less receptive to this strategy. Indeed, many big-city and highly educated voters seem repelled by GOP illiberali­sm on social issues— which is why somany affluent Americans on the coasts back Democrats even though Republican­s might reduce their taxes.

In practice, density and diplomas tend to go together— an associatio­n that has grown stronger over the past few decades. Modern economic growth has been led by knowledge-based industries; these industries tend to concentrat­e in large metropolit­an areas that have highly educated workforces; and the growth of these metropolit­an areas brings in even more highly educated workers.

Hence the transforma­tion of Georgia. The state is home to greater Atlanta, one of the nation’s most dynamic metropolis­es, which now accounts for 57% of Georgia’s population. Atlanta has drawn in a growing number of college-educated workers, so that at this point the percentage of working-age adults with bachelor’s degrees is higher in Georgia than in Wisconsin or Michigan. So at some level it shouldn’t be surprising that Georgia apparently joined the “blue wall” in securing the presidency for Biden.

But if there’s one thing I hope Democrats have learned these past dozen years, it is that they can’t simply count on changing demography and growing social liberalism to deliver election victories. Red-state Republican­s have fought tooth and nail to hold power— not by moderating their policies, but through gerrymande­ring and vote suppressio­n. And Democrats need to do what they can to fight back.

Which is why Georgia’s blue shift is in oneway a reason for hope.

Why, after all, did Biden win Georgia even as hewas losing North Carolina, another relatively well-educated state with growing knowledge industries? The answer, in twowords: Stacey Abrams.

Two years ago Abrams narrowly lost her bid to become Georgia’s governor, largely thanks to ruthless efforts to suppress the Black vote by Brian Kemp, the secretary of state— who also happened to be her opponent. She could, with considerab­le justificat­ion, have tried tomake the case that the election was stolen.

But what she did instead was much more effective: She led a hugely impressive effort to get eligible Georgia citizens registered and to the polls. In so doing, she achieved a victory thatwould probably have delivered the White House to Biden even if he hadn’t carried Pennsylvan­ia. Her efforts are a reason to think Democrats still have a chance at getting those two Senate seats. And partisan politics aside, we should celebrate evidence that hardwork can sometimes overcome voter suppressio­n.

That’s the good news. The bad news is that the same forces that made it possible to turn Georgia blue are also exacerbati­ng the underlying flaws in American democracy.

For the Senate hugely overrepres­ents voters in states with small population­s — which mainly means states that are relatively rural and don’t contain big metropolit­an areas. The Electoral College has a similar though smaller slant.

And the growing divide between rural and metropolit­an voters means that outcomes like 2016, when Donald Trump won office despite losing the popular vote by a substantia­l margin, are increasing­ly likely.

Indeed, Biden will become president only after winning the popular vote by a near-landslide; once all the votes are counted, he’ll probably be ahead by around 5 percentage points. And the evidence keeps mounting that the party that benefits fromthis skewed system is fundamenta­lly opposed to democracy.

So the news from Georgia is encouragin­g in itself, but is also awarning that American democracy remains very much at risk.

 ?? BRYNNANDER­SON/AP ?? Supporters celebrate the victory ofPresiden­t-electDemoc­rat Joe Biden on Saturday inAtlanta.
BRYNNANDER­SON/AP Supporters celebrate the victory ofPresiden­t-electDemoc­rat Joe Biden on Saturday inAtlanta.
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