Trust in institutions, once it’s gone, is hard to get back

Over the past 25 years, I have lived in countries struggling to realize democracy. From Cambodia, Thailand, and

Sri Lanka to the southern Caucasus, I have worked with committed democrats to design credible election systems, build independent institutions, develop effective checks and oversight, and create inclusive and competent representative bodies.

Throught his experience, one quickly learns that the most necessary— and elusive— ingredient fordemocracy is trust. All the training and technical assistance in theworld cannot manifest it. It is there or it isn’t, and once lost, is extraordinarily difficult to regain. It is also something the United States has taken for granted.

This comes into glaring focus with elections. Even if a country’s election commission performs perfectly; is staffed by well-trained, independent professionals; and abides by a clear legislative framework that meets global standards, it is irrelevant if one of the competing political parties, or other stakeholders, does no thave trust in the commission. Regardless of lack of evidence, they will cast doubt onthe election process, undermining its legitimacy. The losing side hits the streets in protest, the winner assumes office under a cloud of suspicion, and governance becomes difficult. It has been the absolute hardest part ofmy job because there isno technical solution. Howdo you build trust?

Throughout history, Americans have largely trusted our institutions, whether the courts, State Department, intelligence agencies, Centers for Disease Control or the Postal Service. In2000, our trust became slightly cracked with the debacle in the Florida election count and itwas awarning sign whenthe Supreme Court had to determine the result along partisan lines.

Today, we are not in a situation of a few hundred vote difference in one state. Wehave a Biden victory of tens of thousands of votes in several states. Procedures were followed, partisan observers monitored the process, and committed poll workers worked diligently and methodically. Yet the Trump campaign and Republican leaders, along with popular Fox News hosts and conservative media outlets like OAN and Newsmax, have spread disinformation about the quality of our elections. Maybe they have done this because they are hostage to President Trump’s fragile ego. Regardless, the message to Americans is that our election process cannot be trusted. The result is not legitimate. It is being “stolen.” It is a sentiment Ihave encountered in struggling democracies across the world.

But Trump has been signaling this from the moment he took office, sowe should not be surprised. Chipping away at our trust through a disinformation campaign aided and abetted by certain cable news stations and Facebook. Conspiracy theories about “deep state” operatives trying to over throw him. After he wonin2016, he said the 3 million votes by which he lost the popular vote were “illegal.” No evidence was ever presented, and his commission to investigate fraud became a joke and petered out, but the message was sent. For months ahead of this election, he has been casting doubt on mail-in ballots, lying about levels of fraud in American elections, and planting the seed of doubt in an outcome he probably knew would not go hisway.

It also causes damage internationally. The self-declared model of democracy, the United States, is unable to conduct a smooth election in which both sides accept the results— as we preach others todo. How does the nation now maintain credibility in our democracy-promotion efforts?

We need to build back this faith. For starters, Republican leaders must publicly stepup and defend our democratic institutions and processes, not undermine them.

Laura Thornton is Director for Global Programme at International IDEA, a Stockholm-based intergovernmental organization working to support and strengthen democratic political institutions and processes around the world. Thornton has monitored elections in more than 15 countries.