Sun Sentinel Palm Beach Edition

Time to worry about reproducti­ve rights

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Left on the cutting room floor of the Florida Constituti­on Revision Commission this year was a radical attack on the privacy provision that would protect reproducti­ve choice in Florida, no matter what happens to Roe v. Wade, the 1973 Supreme Court decision that establishe­d abortion rights nationwide.

But make no mistake. The assault on privacy will resurface in the Florida Legislatur­e if President Trump nominates someone to the Supreme Court who wants to upend Roe, the monumental decision that — within limits — establishe­d abortion as a privacy right guaranteed by the U.S. Constituti­on.

And if there is one promise the president fears to break, it is his pledge to repeal Roe v. Wade. It won him decisive votes from religious conservati­ves during the campaign, and explains why so many continue to ignore or excuse his unholy behavior.

This is what Trump said about the Supreme Court during his third debate with Hillary Clinton.

"If we put another two or perhaps three justices on, that will happen. And that will happen automatica­lly, in my opinion, because I am putting pro-life justices on the court.”

As he prepares to announce his second Supreme Court nominee on Monday, however, the president is saying something different. He’s saying he won’t ask the candidates about Roe.

Is Trump trying to prepare the faithful for a shattering disappoint­ment? Almost certainly not. Rather, he means to flummox the opposition and give cover to conflicted senators like Susan Collins of Maine, who sounds equivocal in her commitment to reproducti­ve choice.

It’s the same beguiling theme the Wall Street Journal employed in an editorial this week, mocking what it called “the liberal line … that Roe hangs by a judicial thread.” Liberals need not worry, the paper said soothingly, citing “the power of stare decisis,” the principle that courts must respect precedent. Said the spider to the fly. For Floridians who care about reproducti­ve choice — no matter the added privacy protection in our state Constituti­on — this is a time to be worried, and to keep your guard up, not down. Here’s why: Under Chief Justice John Roberts, the court has demonstrat­ed an emphatic disregard for precedents. It threw aside two in the Citizens United decision that sacrificed American politics to the unlimited influence of big money. It discarded precedents again last month in allowing states to collect sales taxes from out-of-state retailers, and in ruling that non-members can refuse to pay dues to public employee unions that negotiate on their behalf.

Departing Justice Anthony Kennedy was the swing vote in all three. But Kennedy also was the decider in Planned Parenthood v. Casey, which rescued Roe by essentiall­y redefining it. Given who’s selecting his replacemen­t, it’s safe to presume the nominee will be hostile to the fundamenta­l principle in Planned Parenthood and Roe and seize an opportunit­y to renounce them.

The court could also undo both without saying so. It could, for example, redefine viability — however perversely — along the lines of a new Iowa law that would ban abortion beyond the point at which many women even know they are pregnant. And the two leading Republican candidates for Florida governor, Rep. Ron DeSantis and Agricultur­e Commission­er Adam Putnam, both support the “heartbeat bill,” which would ban abortion once a heartbeat can be detected.

Trump doesn’t need to ask what the candidates think about Roe, Planned Parenthood or abortion in general. They have decisions or scholarly writings that leave clues. Before Trump sees the finalists, they have been vetted thoroughly by his staff and by the Federalist Society, the conservati­ve lobby to which he has effectivel­y outsourced his judicial picks.

No matter what happens to Roe v. Wade, Florida is a special case.

In 1980, the Legislatur­e and voters approved an amendment to the state Constituti­on that gives “every natural person … the right to be let alone and free from government­al intrusion into the person’s private life.” In 1989, the Florida Supreme Court applied this to abortion when it struck down a parental consent law. The Legislatur­e and voters later amended the Constituti­on to allow a parental notificati­on law. Still, the court’s finding that Florida has “a strong right of privacy, not found in the federal constituti­on … much broader in scope” still stands.

This year, however, Trump’s election encouraged the religious right to make a serious attack on Florida’s right to privacy. It surfaced in the Constituti­on Revision Commission, which meets every 20 years with authority to send amendments directly to the ballot.

An amendment proposed by a commission member who heads the anti-choice Florida Family Policy Council would have limited the protection to “privacy of informatio­n and the disclosure thereof.” That would have extinguish­ed abortion rights and a great deal more. It cleared one committee but died in a second. Every vote for it was cast by commission members appointed by Gov. Rick Scott and House Speaker Richard Corcoran. It was defeated by the Florida Supreme Court’s three appointees and one of Senate President Joe Negron’s.

Of equal concern is what the Florida Supreme Court might do once its three liberal justices who are older than 70 must retire next January. Whether Scott or his successor has the power to appoint them is in dispute, but every nominee will have been selected by Scott’s nominating commission.

No matter the state Constituti­on, Roe v. Wade still matters greatly in Florida, as throughout the nation.

And reproducti­ve choice isn’t the only liberty that’s twisting in the wind. Economic conservati­ves also hope for a court that will strike down any remaining laws that favor labor, consumers or the environmen­t — laws that benefit many of their unwitting allies on the religious right.

Jeffrey Toobin, the legal scholar who writes articles and appears on CNN, framed the danger in a New Yorker essay.

The president’s new majority, he wrote, “will overrule Roe v. Wade, allowing states to ban abortion and to criminally prosecute any physician and nurses who perform them. It will allow shopkeeper­s, restaurate­urs, and hotel owners to refuse service to gay customers on religious grounds. It will guarantee that fewer African-Americans and Latino students attend elite universiti­es. It will approve laws designed to hinder voting rights. It will sanction execution by grotesque means. It will invoke the Second Amendment to prohibit states from engaging in gun control, including the regulation of machine guns and bump stocks…

“And these are just the issues that draw the most attention.”

This is a profoundly important appointmen­t, one that could set the court’s course — and the nation’s — for a generation. In these times, we have a president who disrespect­s an independen­t judiciary as much as he detests a free press. There is suspicion that he manipulate­d Kennedy’s retirement with his own political skin in mind.

Let the Senate remember that the Supreme Court exists to protect the Constituti­on and serve all the American people, not just some of them.

So does the Senate itself. Editorials are the opinion of the Sun Sentinel Editorial Board and written by one of its members or a designee. The Editorial Board consists of Editorial Page Editor Rosemary O'Hara, Andy Reid and Editor-in-Chief Julie Anderson.

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