Sun Sentinel Palm Beach Edition

All the president’s business dealings

Federal prosecutor­s have begun peeling back the layers of the Trump Organizati­on

- By Chris Megerian and David Willman Washington Bureau

WASHINGTON — Even as Donald Trump rose from New York real estate mogul to U.S. president, the innermost workings of his namesake real estate and branding company stayed shielded behind the blacktinte­d windows of his eponymous Fifth Avenue skyscraper. Always run more like a family business than a blue-chip corporate empire, the private Trump Organizati­on has operated free from the oversight of independen­t board members or pesky shareholde­rs. But now that secrecy has cracked.

The plea agreement in federal court this week by Michael Cohen, who spent 10 years as executive vice president and special counsel at the Trump Organizati­on, and later claimed to be Trump’s personal attorney, showed that federal prosecutor­s have excavated invoices, receipts, tax records, emails and other internal documents from Trump’s business. Federal prosecutor­s also made clear their willingnes­s to squeeze friends of the president. They reportedly got David Pecker, a longtime Trump ally who heads the company that publishes the National Enquirer tabloid, to provide evidence in the Cohen case in exchange for immunity from criminal charges.

Now the question is how much further they will dig into the business dealings and personal scandals at a carefully guarded company that remains key to Trump’s narrative of personal success despite years of bankruptci­es, lawsuits and other controvers­ies. “The more you peel back, the more you’re likely to see irregulari­ties that are worthy of investigat­ion,” said Juan C. Zarate, a former Justice Department prosecutor who also helped pioneer tactics for tracking illicit, cross-border financial transactio­ns during the George W. Bush administra­tion.

Two federal investigat­ions pose the greatest threat so far. The U.S. attorney’s office in Manhattan is prosecutin­g the case against Cohen. Special counsel Robert Mueller is investigat­ing whether anyone from Trump’s campaign — which was based at Trump Tower — conspired with Russians to interfere with the 2016 election.

Trump suggested last year he wouldn’t tolerate Mueller poking around in his business. “I think that’s a violation,” Trump told the New York Times. “My finances are extremely good, my company is an unbelievab­ly successful company.” Trump has repeatedly raised the idea of trying to shut down the Russia investigat­ion by removing Mueller. Following through might be feasible if Trump were willing to pay the political cost. He would have less ability, however, to shut down the Cohen investigat­ion since it would require moving against the large and well establishe­d U.S. attorney’s office in Manhattan.

Alan Garten, the Trump Organizati­on’s top lawyer, said Thursday that “the company has been fully cooperativ­e in the investigat­ions.”

Trump has refused to release his tax returns to the public, and the company doesn’t disclose its annual revenue. But the perception of Trump as a titan of industry helped propel him to the White House, starting with his original announceme­nt in the gilded lobby of Trump Tower. “I’m really rich,” he said. The Trump Organizati­on has developed and run hotels, condominiu­ms and golf courses around the country and overseas. Under lucrative licensing deals, Trump has also attached his name — a name that’s “as hot as a pistol,” he’s said — to real estate developmen­ts, bottled water, steaks and vodka.

Some of those ventures failed or faded, and Trump endured a string of bankruptci­es when he ran aground in the casino business in Atlantic City in the early 1990s.

His struggles to resuscitat­e his company after that could provide ample avenues for investigat­ors if they choose to pursue them. Trump found convention­al sources of investment capital harder to tap, leading to perennial suspicions that he turned to money laundering or other improper sources of funds. He and his company have never been charged with a financial crime.

Trump was also willing to cut deals and do business with shady characters. One example is Felix Sater, who was a senior adviser to the future president and who pleaded guilty to stock fraud in 1998. Sater maintained an office in Trump Tower, brought prospectiv­e deals to Trump’s attention and accompanie­d two of Trump’s adult children to Moscow to look for business opportunit­ies in 2006. Prosecutor­s who want to unravel Trump’s array of businesses may find a willing partner in Cohen. His lawyer, Lanny Davis, said Cohen would cooperate with ongoing investigat­ions, including Mueller’s.

“If they find evidence of criminalit­y, based on Cohen’s informatio­n, that predates Trump’s presidency and has to do with his business and his business dealings, they’re going to go where the evidence takes them,’’ said Bradley Simon, a former federal prosecutor in New York.

Cohen pleaded guilty to eight counts of tax evasion, bank fraud and campaign finance violations in federal court in Manhattan on Tuesday. He specifical­ly implicated Trump in his campaign finance violations, saying he had acted at the candidate’s direction in 2016 to pay $280,000 to Karen McDougal, a former Playboy model, and Stormy Daniels, an adult film actress. Both claimed to have had extramarit­al affairs with Trump.During the court hearing Tuesday, Assistant U.S. Attorney Andrea Griswold said more documents — text messages, phone records and emails — would prove the campaign violations were undertaken “in coordinati­on with the campaign or candidate for purposes of influencin­g the election.”

Trump’s children have held senior positions throughout the company, just as his daughter, Ivanka, and son-in-law, Jared Kushner, do at the White House.

During a 2011 deposition in a lawsuit involving a Florida project, Donald Trump. Jr. said he wasn’t sure if there was an organizati­on chart for the Trump Organizati­on.

“Could I make one? Yes,” he said. “Is there one officially? Not that I am aware of. We kind of run a little bit like a mom-and-pop in that sense.”

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DREW ANGERER/GETTY

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