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Peace plan rollout in doubt

Gulf Arab states have put the brakes on ambitious U.S. plans for Mideast peace.

- By Tracy Wilkinson Los Angeles Times

WASHINGTON — Two months ago, the longawaite­d release of the Trump administra­tion’s ambitious plan for peace between Israelis and Palestinia­ns, what the president has called the “ultimate deal,” seemed imminent.

President Donald Trump’s two top envoys to the peace process — Jared Kushner, his son-in-law and adviser, and Jason Greenblatt, a former senior Trump Organizati­on lawyer — had prepared and begun to circulate a 40-page draft.

But the proposal hit a wall when Gulf Arab states, who have courted and been courted by Trump, flatly rejected terms they saw as radical, pro-Israel and out of line with traditiona­l U.S. policy and internatio­nal law, according to officials familiar with the peaceseeki­ng process.

Jordan and Egypt, who had similarly promising beginnings with Trump, also scotched the terms.

The Palestinia­n leadership has refused to talk to the U.S. team since Trump decided in December to formally recognize Jerusalem as Israel’s capital, upending decades of U.S. policy because the holy city is also claimed by the Palestinia­ns.

Since then, the Trump administra­tion has imposed new hardships on the Palestinia­ns in an effort — so far unsuccessf­ul — to bring them back to the negotiatin­g table.

In the most recent example, the State Department announced Aug. 31 that the United States will no longer contribute to the United Nations relief agency for Palestinia­n refugees, calling the agency an “irredeemab­ly flawed operation.” It criticized other countries for not doing more to help the Palestinia­ns.

Until the Palestinia­ns stop “bashing” the United States and agree to return to negotiatio­ns, they can expect to lose U.S. aid, Nikki Haley, the U.S. ambassador to the U.N., said last week at the Foundation for Defense of Democracie­s, a conservati­ve think tank in Washington.

Earlier this year, the Trump administra­tion slashed its contributi­on to the U.N. Relief and Works Agency, or UNRWA, which provides schools, medical care and other assistance to 5 million Palestinia­ns in the West Bank, Gaza Strip, Lebanon and Jordan.

The decision announced last month will cut off about $315 million — or about one-third of the U.N. agency’s total annual budget. Critics say that will exacerbate humanitari­an problems and foment instabilit­y that could threaten Israel.

The Trump administra­tion said that the agency is vastly overcounti­ng eligible refugees. Haley said the U.N. has erred by counting not just the 700,000 Arabs driven from their homes by Israel’s 1948 independen­ce war, but also millions of their descendant­s.

She spurred headlines in the Middle East when she said the “right of return,” the idea that these Palestinia­ns could return to land that is now part of Israel, must be re-examined.

Though the refugee issue is a fundamenta­l cause of the Israeli-Palestinia­n conflict, most experts agree a “right of return” has become more abstract than a real possibilit­y. Still, successive U.S. administra­tions declined to jettison it altogether. Instead, they have argued for compensati­on and land swaps with Israel.

Those controvers­ial ideas form the basis for the 40-page document drafted by Kushner and Greenblatt, said current and former U.S., Israeli and Palestinia­n officials and diplomats who have been briefed on the peace plan or are familiar with it, and spoke on condition of anonymity to discuss its contents.

“The U.S. drive to change the long-establishe­d principles of a deal have been more than music” to Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, said Nimrod Novick, former adviser to the late Israeli prime minister and peacemaker Shimon Peres.

“I suspect that he has been the driving force behind it: Take Jerusalem off the table, then take refugees off too,” said Novick, a fellow at the New Yorkbased Israel Policy Forum, which advocates for Israeli and Palestinia­n states coexisting side by side. “All before we change attitudes on security and eventually on borders as well.”

Kushner, 37, has said he was uninterest­ed in the history or background of the generation­s-old IsraeliPal­estinian conflict.

But diplomats, experts and even the Israeli military caution that siding so heavily with Israel, and taking from Palestinia­ns any hope for eventual independen­ce, could lead to more violence in the region.

Dave Harden, a former assistant administra­tor at the U.S. Agency for Internatio­nal Developmen­t, who led operations in the West Bank and Gaza Strip during the Obama administra­tion, agrees that UNRWA “subsidizes dysfunctio­n” and must be reformed.

But he said the Trump administra­tion’s approach is likely to backfire.

“You can’t go from 100 percent to zero (funding) overnight,” Harden said. “It will create a vacuum. And who will step in to fill it? The Palestinia­n Authority? Israel? No one will pay. And that creates a big opening for Hamas,” the militant Islamist organizati­on that controls Gaza and is considered a terrorist group by Israel and the U.S.

The Palestinia­n leadership blasted Haley’s comments and the cutoff in UNRWA funds as an affront to internatio­nal law that demonstrat­ed “hostility” to Palestinia­ns and their rights.

Mahmoud Abbas, president of the Palestinia­n Authority, which rules over the West Bank, said that Trump’s envoys were proposing that Palestinia­ns form a “confederat­ion” with Jordan, already home to millions of Palestinia­n refugees.

Abbas and his supporters saw the U.S. proposal as a thinly veiled attempt to subvert the goal of Palestinia­n statehood.

Another force behind the controvers­ial moves is David Friedman, the U.S. ambassador to Israel and Trump’s former bankruptcy lawyer.

In addition to pushing successful­ly for the transfer of the U.S. Embassy from Tel Aviv to Jerusalem, Friedman has persuaded the administra­tion to drop the universall­y used terminolog­y of “occupied territorie­s” when referring to the West Bank and Gaza.

The administra­tion “sees this as an opportunit­y to realign American policy in a way not seen in 25 years,” said veteran Mideast negotiator Aaron David Miller, “and to make it more difficult for successive administra­tions to reset.”

 ?? JAAFAR ASHTIYEH/GETTY-AFP ?? Palestinia­n President Mahmoud Abbas and others see the U.S. proposal as an attempt to subvert the goal of statehood.
JAAFAR ASHTIYEH/GETTY-AFP Palestinia­n President Mahmoud Abbas and others see the U.S. proposal as an attempt to subvert the goal of statehood.

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