Sun Sentinel Palm Beach Edition

Biden, LBJ and future of voting rights

- Robert B. Reich Distribute­d by Tribune Content Agency, LLC.

In 1963, when the newly sworn-in Lyndon Baines Johnson was advised against using his limited political capital on the controvers­ial issue of civil and voting rights for Black Americans, he responded: “Well, what the hell’s the presidency for?”

America is again approachin­g a crucial decision point on the most fundamenta­l right of all in a democracy — the right to vote. The result will either be the biggest advance since LBJ’s landmark Civil Rights Act of 1964 and Voting Rights Act of 1965, or the biggest setback since the end of Reconstruc­tion and start of Jim Crow in the 1870s.

The decisive factor will be President Joe Biden.

On one side are Republican lawmakers who now control most state legislatur­es and are using false claims of election fraud to enact an avalanche of voting restrictio­ns on everything from early voting and voting by mail to voter IDs. They also plan to gerrymande­r their way back to a House majority.

After losing the Senate and the presidency, they’re determined to win back power by rigging the rules against Black and brown voters, who disproport­ionately vote for Democrats. As a lawyer for the Arizona Republican party put it baldly before the Supreme Court, without such restrictio­ns Republican­s are “at a competitiv­e disadvanta­ge relative to Democrats.”

On the other side are congressio­nal Democrats advancing the most significan­t democracy reform legislatio­n since LBJ’s civil rights and voting rights laws — a sprawling 791-page “For the People Act” establishi­ng national standards for federal elections.

The proposed law mandates automatic registrati­on of new voters, voting by mail and at least 15 days of early voting. It bans restrictiv­e voter ID laws and purges of voter rolls — changes that studies suggest would increase voter participat­ion, especially by racial minorities. It also requires that congressio­nal redistrict­ing be done by independen­t commission­s and creates a system of public financing for congressio­nal campaigns.

The legislatio­n sailed through the

House last week on a party-line vote.

The showdown will occur in the Senate, where Republican­s are determined to kill it. Although Democrats now possess a razor-thin majority, the bill doesn’t stand a chance unless Democrats can overcome two big obstacles.

The first is the filibuster, requiring 60 votes to pass regular legislatio­n. Notably, the filibuster is not in the Constituti­on and not even in law. It’s a rule that has historical­ly been used against civil rights and voting rights bills, as it was in the 1960s, when LBJ narrowly overcame it.

Democrats can — and must — finally end it now, with their 51-vote majority.

But if they try, they face a second obstacle.

Two Democratic senators — West Virginia’s Joe Manchin and Arizona’s Kyrsten Sinema — have said they won’t vote to end the filibuster, presumably because they want to preserve their centrist image and appeal to Republican voters in their states. A few other Democratic senators are lukewarm to the idea.

Well, I’m sorry. The stakes are too high. If Democrats fail to enact the “For the People Act,” Republican­s will send voting rights into retreat for decades. There’s no excuse for Manchin and Sinema or any other Senate Democrat letting Republican­s pull America backward toward Jim Crow.

And no reason Biden should let them.

It’s time for him to assert the kind of leadership LBJ asserted more than a half-century ago on civil and voting rights.

Johnson used every tool at his disposal, described by journalist Mary McGrory as “an incredible, potent mixture of persuasion, badgering, flattery, threats, reminders of past favors and future advantages.”

He warned Georgia Sen. Richard

Russell, a segregatio­nist, “Dick, I love you and I owe you. But ... I’m going to run over you if you challenge me on this civil rights bill.” He demanded his allies join him in pressuring holdouts. Sen. Hubert Humphrey later recalled “the president grabbed me by my shoulder and damn near broke my arm.”

Historians say Johnson’s importunin­g, bribing and threatenin­g may have shifted the votes of close to a dozen senators, breaking the longest filibuster in Senate history and clearing the way for passage of the Civil Rights Act of 1964 and Voting Rights Act of 1965.

We are once again at a crucial juncture for civil rights and voting rights that could shape America for the next half-century or more. Biden is not LBJ, and the times are different from the mid-1960s. But the stakes are as high.

Biden must wield the power of the presidency to make senators fall in line with the larger goals of the nation. Otherwise, as LBJ asked, “what the hell’s the presidency for?”

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 ?? ANNA MONEYMAKER/THE NEW YORK TIMES ?? Sen. Joe Manchin, who said he won’t vote to end the filibuster, rides an elevator at the Capitol.
ANNA MONEYMAKER/THE NEW YORK TIMES Sen. Joe Manchin, who said he won’t vote to end the filibuster, rides an elevator at the Capitol.

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