Sun Sentinel Palm Beach Edition

Don’t let legislator­s rip away your voice

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Who’s in charge in a democracy? The people or the politician­s?

The answer to that eternal question is going badly in Florida.

Voters accustomed to a longer ballot will face only three constituti­onal amendments on Nov. 8, all put there by the Legislatur­e, none by initiative petitions.

The Legislatur­e and the lobbies that jerk its chains are effectivel­y repealing the people’s right to propose and ratify their own constituti­onal reforms.

The voter initiative form of people power has succeeded 31 times to adopt what the Florida Legislatur­e would not, including such significan­t measures as setting a state minimum wage and raising it, banning smoking in workplaces, curbing gerrymande­ring, banning commercial net fishing, establishi­ng term limits on the Legislatur­e and the Cabinet, limiting tax increases, forbidding the Legislatur­e to authorize casino gambling without a statewide referendum, legalizing medical marijuana, limiting class sizes in public schools, and requiring public officials to disclose their assets, debts and income. Eleven initiative­s failed at the polls.

Currently, a circuit judge has invoked the “Fair Districts” initiative­s, adopted in 2010, to block the racist gerrymande­r by Gov. Ron DeSantis that would eliminate Democratic Rep. Al Lawson’s district and leave 345,000 Black voters across North Florida with no voice in Washington.

That decision will be reviewed by a state Supreme Court made fiercely right-wing by DeSantis appointmen­ts. Florida needs an initiative to restore the independen­ce of the appellate bench, which most former governors respected.

It’s problemati­c, however, whether there can ever be another successful initiative. In what democracy advocates liken to “a death of a thousand cuts,” the Legislatur­e has repeatedly acted to cripple the process. The most telling obstacle so far requires sponsors to pay profession­al solicitors by the hour rather than by how many petition signatures they gather. Only two initiative­s, at most, have ever succeeded by depending on volunteers.

A law enacted last year to further cripple the process set a $3,000 ceiling on contributi­ons during the signature-gathering phase of an initiative campaign, by far the more expensive part. After a federal judge ruled it unconstitu­tional, the Legislatur­e this year passed another applying the ceiling only to donations from out of state. It’s just as unconstitu­tional, and hypocritic­al as well for not applying to the political committees fronting for DeSantis and other Florida politician­s. But it hasn’t been overturned yet.

The Legislatur­e has also limited the validity of signatures to the next scheduled general election, rather than to the next two as it once was. This will compel determined sponsors to restart the process from scratch, including a second Supreme Court review.

Few of the politician­s making this relentless assault are old enough to know why this form of people power needs to exist.

For several generation­s, an archaic constituti­onal formula gave control of the Legislatur­e to an ever-shrinking rural constituen­cy. Eventually, fewer than 20% of Floridians could elect majorities in both houses.

Gov. LeRoy Collins (1955-61) fought six years for a fairer apportionm­ent, but could not break the Legislatur­e’s strangleho­ld on the Constituti­on. It took the U.S. Supreme Court to do it.

A reapportio­ned Legislatur­e liberated the voters through the new constituti­on of 1968, which brought to Florida the initiative process, long establishe­d in other states. It also provided for an appointed commission to review the entire constituti­on every 20 years. (A third new provision allowing a constituti­onal convention hasn’t been invoked and probably shouldn’t be.)

The first two commission­s did good work. The third, in 2018, performed poorly overall but it did stiffen the ethics code by extending from two years to six the ban on ex-legislator­s becoming paid lobbyists. Now, the Legislatur­e is asking the voters to abolish the commission. That’s Amendment 2 on the November ballot. It deserves overwhelmi­ng defeat.

The constituti­on also enhanced people power by giving home rule to cities and counties, ending their dependence on the aptly named “local bill evil” in Tallahasse­e. “The best government is that closest to the people” was a mantra dear to both parties.

No longer. As directed by the Republican leadership, the Legislatur­e has been erasing home rule whenever some powerful special interests ring the cash register. One law overrode the voters of Key West who had barred large cruise ships. A bill (SB 620) awaiting DeSantis signature or veto would entitle businesses to recover lost profits attributed to new ordinances.

The Legislatur­e’s hostility to initiative­s was seeded by Gov. Reubin Askew’s “Sunshine Amendment” of 1976 that enacted a stricter ethics code, including financial disclosure. Askew went to the people after the Legislatur­e refused to pass a stronger one.

It was the first successful initiative, and also the next to last accomplish­ed entirely by volunteers gathering signatures. The Legislatur­e responded by trying to ban signature-gathering near polling places, the best of all venues to find registered voters. The law now prohibits any solicitati­ons within 150 feet of a voting station.

Initiative campaigns were easier then. The valid signature requiremen­t, 8% of the most recent presidenti­al vote statewide and in at least half the congressio­nal districts, meant Askew needed barely 200,000 signatures, which he barely made in time. Now, the magic number is nearly 900,000. It’s considered unachievab­le without paid solicitors. The 2010 “Fair Districts” amendments, for example, cost their sponsors $9.1 million.

The legislativ­e enemies of people power shed crocodile tears over exposing the Constituti­on to poorly drafted changes that would be more suitable as statutes, but they refuse to let laws be written by initiative as 21 other states allow.

The Florida Legislatur­e has made itself an implacable enemy of people power. The voters should have no use for politician­s who have so little respect for them. The Sun Sentinel Editorial Board consists of Editorial Page Editor Steve Bousquet, Deputy Editorial Page Editor Dan Sweeney, and Editor-in-Chief Julie Anderson. Editorials are the opinion of the Board and written by one of its members or a designee. To contact us, email at letters@sun-sentinel.com.

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