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DIGITAL SIEGE: INTERNET CUTS BECOME FAVORED TOOL OF REGIMES

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When army generals in Myanmar staged a coup last week, they briefly cut internet access in an apparent attempt to stymie protests. In Uganda, residents couldn’t use Facebook, Twitter and other social media for weeks after a recent election. And in Ethiopia’s northern Tigray region, the internet has been down for months amid a wider conflict.

Around the world, shutting down the internet has become an increasing­ly popular tactic of repressive and authoritar­ian regimes and some illiberal democracie­s. Digital rights groups say government­s use them to stifle dissent, silence opposition voices or cover up human rights abuses, raising concerns about restrictin­g freedom of speech.

Regimes often cut online access in response to protests or civil unrest, particular­ly around elections, as they try to keep their grip on power by restrictin­g the flow of informatio­n,

researcher­s say. It’s the digital equivalent of seizing control of the local TV and radio station that was part of the pre-internet playbook for despots and rebels.

“Internet shutdowns have been massively underrepor­ted or misreporte­d over the years,” said Alp Toker, founder of internet monitoring organizati­on Netblocks. The world is “starting to realize what’s happening,” as documentin­g efforts like his expand, he said.

Last year there were 93 major internet shutdowns in 21 countries, according to a report by TOP10VPN, a U.k.-based digital privacy and security research group. The list doesn’t include places like China and North Korea, where the government tightly controls or restricts the internet. Shutdowns can range from allencompa­ssing internet blackouts to blocking social media platforms or severely throttling internet speeds, the report said.

Internet cuts have political, economic, and humanitari­an costs, experts warned. The effects are exacerbate­d by COVID-19 lockdowns that are forcing activities like school classes online. The shutdowns highlight a wider battle over control of the internet. In the West, efforts to rein in social media platforms have raised competing concerns about restrictin­g free speech and limiting harmful informatio­n, the latter sometimes used by authoritar­ian regimes to justify clampdowns.

In Myanmar, internet access was cut for about 24 hours last weekend, in an apparent bid to head off protests against the army’s seizing of power and the detention of leader Aung San Suu Kyi and her allies. By Sunday afternoon, internet

users reported data access on their mobile phones was suddenly restored.

Norway’s Telenor ASA, which runs one of Myanmar’s main wireless carriers, said the communicat­ions ministry cited “circulatio­n of fake news, stability of the nation and interest of the public” in ordering operators to temporaril­y shut down networks.

Telenor said it had to comply with local laws. “We deeply regret the impact the shutdown has on the people in Myanmar,” it said.

It’s a familiar move by Myanmar’s government, which carried out one of the world’s longest internet shutdowns in Rakhine and Chin states aimed at disrupting operations of an armed ethnic group. The cutoff began in June 2019 and was only lifted on Feb. 3.

Another long-running internet shutdown is in Ethiopia’s Tigray region, which has been choked off since fighting started in early November -the latest in a series of outages with no sign of service returning anytime soon. That’s made it challengin­g to know how many civilians have been killed, to what extent fighting continues or whether people are starting to die of starvation, as some have warned.

In Uganda, restrictio­ns on social media sites including Twitter, Facebook and Youtube took effect ahead of a Jan. 14 presidenti­al election, along with a total internet blackout on the eve of polling. Authoritie­s said it was to prevent opposition supporters from organizing potentiall­y dangerous street protests.

The social media curbs were lifted Wednesday, except for Facebook. Longtime leader Yoweri Museveni, who was facing his biggest challenge

to power yet from popular singer-turned-lawmaker Bobi Wine, had been angered by the social network’s removal before the vote of what it said were fake accounts linked to his party. In Belarus, the internet went down for 61 hours after the Aug. 9 presidenti­al election, marking Europe’s first internet blackout. Service was cut after election results handed victory to authoritar­ian President Alexander Lukashenko but the vote was widely seen as rigged and sparked enormous protests. Access remained unstable for months, particular­ly around weekend protests, when mobile internet service repeatedly went down.

The risk is that regular shutdowns become normalized, said Toker.

“You get a kind of Pavlovian response where both the public in the country and the wider internatio­nal community will become desensitiz­ed to these shutdowns,” he said, calling it the “greatest risk to our collective freedom in the digital age.”

Internet shutdowns are also common in democratic India, where Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s government has increasing­ly used them to target his political opposition.

His Hindu nationalis­t government has ordered hundreds of regional shutdowns, according to a tracking site.

Most have been in disputed Kashmir, which endured an 18-month blockade of highspeed mobile service that ended last week.

But they’ve also been deployed elsewhere for anti-government demonstrat­ions, including massive farmers’ protests that have rattled Modi’s administra­tion.

“It used to be authoritar­ian government­s who did this, but we are seeing the practice become more common in democracie­s such as India,” said Darrell West, avice president of governance studies at the Brookings Institutio­n who has studied internet shutdowns.

“The risk is that once one democracy does it, others will be tempted to do the same thing. It may start at the local level to deal with unrest, but then spread more broadly.”

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