Texarkana Gazette

High court fights date to George Washington

- By Mark Sherman

WASHINGTON— Wondering when Supreme Court nomination­s became so politicall­y contentiou­s? Only about 222 years ago— when the Senate voted down George Washington’s choice for chief justice.

This year’s brouhaha sees Senate Democrats and Republican­s bracing for a showdown over President Donald Trump’s nominee, Neil Gorsuch. It’s the latest twist in the political wrangling that has surrounded the high court vacancy almost from the moment Justice Antonin Scalia died in February 2016.

“We are in an era of extreme partisan energy right now,” said University of Georgia law professor Lori Ringhand. “In such a moment, the partisansh­ip will manifest itself across government, and there’s no reason to think the nomi-

nation process will be exempt from that. It hasn’t been in the past.”

Each side has accused the other of unpreceden­ted obstructio­n. Republican­s wouldn’t even hold a hearing for Merrick Garland, President Barack Obama’s nominee. Democrats are threatenin­g a filibuster, which takes 60 votes to overcome, to try to stop Gorsuch from becoming a justice. If they succeed, Republican­s who control the Senate could change the rules and prevail with a simple majority vote in the 100-member body.

The struggle spilled over into the Sunday news shows, where the Senate Democratic leader, Chuck Schumer, told NBC’s “Meet the Press” it’s “highly, highly unlikely” that Gorsuch will get 60 votes and Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell vowed the nominee will be confirmed this week one way or the other.

As she lays out in “Supreme Court Confirmati­on Hearings and Constituti­onal Change,” the book she co-wrote, Ringhand said, “There were more rejected nominees in the first half of the nation’s history than in the second half. That controvers­y has been partisan in many cases, back to George Washington.”

“Confirmati­ons have been episodical­ly controvers­ial,” said Ringhand, who is the Georgia law school’s associate dean. “The level of controvers­y has ebbed and flowed.”

John Rutledge, a South Carolinian who was a drafter of the Constituti­on, was the first to succumb to politics. The Senate confirmed Rutledge as a justice in 1789, a post he gave up a couple of years later to become South Carolina’s chief justice.

In 1795, Washington nominated Rutledge to replace John Jay as chief justice. By then, Rutledge had become an outspoken opponent of the Jay Treaty, which sought to reduce tensions with England. A year after ratifying the treaty, the Senate voted down Rutledge’s nomination.

The rejected chief justice was partly a victim of his own design. He was among the drafters who insisted Congress should have a role in the Supreme Court appointmen­t process, rather than leave it solely to the president, historian Henry Abraham wrote in his history of high court appointmen­ts, “Justices, Presidents, and Senators.”

Rutledge was not the last to get close to the lifetime appointmen­t to the court only to see it yanked away. The most recent were Garland and former White House counsel Harriet Miers, whose nomination by President George W. Bush was withdrawn under pressure from conservati­ves.

In between, President John Tyler broke with the Whigs who controlled the Senate and couldn’t even get a vote for three nominees. A fourth was rejected and only one of Tyler’s choices ever made it to the court. A quarter-century later, following the Civil War, the Republican-dominated Congress actually abolished a Supreme Court seat rather than act on a nomination by President Andrew Johnson.

Even some who have made it to the court endured difficult confirmati­ons. Justice Clarence Thomas faced questions about former colleague Anita Hill’s claims that he sexually harassed her. Justice Felix Frankfurte­r’s loyalty to the United States was questioned because of his birth in Austria, his Judaism and his affiliatio­n with the American Civil Liberties Union.

But American politician­s don’t tend to look back so far. Democrats fixate on 1968, the last year of the Johnson administra­tion, when Republican­s and southern Democrats came together to filibuster the nomination of Abe Fortas to be chief justice.

Republican­s point to 1987, when Democrats led the way in rejecting Ronald Reagan’s nomination of Robert Bork for the high court. The 58-42 vote against Bork came after a full hearing and Senate debate.

Still, it’s understand­able for the public to see the Gorsuch fight as the product of a recent change in American politics.

Barbara Perry, a University of Virginia expert on the presidency, said she spoke about the confirmati­on process recently in Charlottes­ville, Virginia.

“A woman stood up and said, ‘When did the court become so political?’” Perry recalled. Around the founding of the country, she and a colleague replied, “or at least since we’ve had two political parties.”

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