Texarkana Gazette

A closer look at President Trump’s regulation efforts

- Cass R. Sunstein TRIBUNE NEWS SERVICE

In what sounded like a major announceme­nt, the Trump administra­tion last week highlighte­d numbers showing it was making big strides in controllin­g regulation­s.

It is true that the pace of rulemaking has slowed dramatical­ly. Thus far, the Office of Informatio­n and Regulatory Affairs has approved just 41 regulation­s, meaning that we might see fewer than 100 in all of 2017. That would be less than onefifth of the average under the most recent Republican president, George W. Bush.

An even bigger deal for the administra­tion was its report that it had withdrawn 469 regulatory actions that had been listed on the Obama administra­tion’s fall 2016 agenda.

The first developmen­t is significan­t—the second, less so. Any administra­tion’s regulatory agenda floats a long list of potential ideas for public considerat­ion; it is understood that a lot of those ideas will never see the light of day.

My guess is that under a Democratic administra­tion, most of those 469 regulation­s would not have been issued. It’s simple for Trump’s people just to cut them from the agenda, right now. And whatever the White House says, there’s a big difference between eliminatin­g potential ideas for the future and actually removing regulation­s from the books.

To appreciate the difference, consider another developmen­t last week that received hardly any attention. Trump’s Environmen­tal Protection Agency proposed to leave an important Obama administra­tion air pollution regulation untouched.

In 2010, the EPA finalized a rule designed to reduce health risks from nitrogen oxides. Scientific evidence showed that people with asthma, children and older adults face significan­t risks from exposure to levels of nitrogen oxides that exceeded the 2010 standard. In view of that, and the legal issues that would be triggered by an effort to reverse the Obama-era rule, it was a lot easier for Trump’s EPA to stick with it than to try to loosen it.

There’s a broader lesson here. Whenever agencies want to cut regulation­s, they have to go through the same time-consuming processes that govern the issuance of regulation­s in the first place.

Under the Administra­tive Procedure Act, agencies must begin with a formal proposal to eliminate the rule. The proposal has to offer a new analysis of the law and the evidence. That takes a while to produce—often two months and possibly much longer.

After the proposal comes out, the Administra­tive Procedure Act requires a period for public comment. Under existing executive orders, that period will usually last for at least two months. If the issues are complicate­d, the public is going to demand and probably get more time—potentiall­y as much as six months.

After the comments come in, some of the hardest work begins. The agency is legally obliged to give careful considerat­ion to what members of the public say. It has to consider the scientific and economic evidence in a thorough fashion. If it wants to finalize its original proposal, it has to explain why public objections are unconvinci­ng.

It can’t simply announce that President Trump hates regulation, or that the administra­tion has vowed to reduce burdens on business. It has to show why the previous administra­tion was wrong, or why the regulation should be eliminated, even if its predecesso­r was right.

If the agency gets its act together and moves quickly, the process of finalizing a repeal of a rule is likely to take an additional two months. It can take as much as a year or more. From start to finish, repealing a regulation can occupy the better part of a first presidenti­al term.

And that’s not the end of the matter. The agency’s decision might be challenged in court. If it defies the law or the evidence, it’s going to be struck down.

For the Trump administra­tion, it’s undoubtedl­y frustratin­g to discover how hard it is to eliminate regulation­s. Some rules really are unduly burdensome, outmoded or silly, and it’s right to want to remove them in a hurry.

With creative lawyering, it might be possible for Trump’s people to try to do that—for example, by finding a way to suspend existing rules, or by arguing that because the issues are so clear, there’s no point in a public comment period. Agencies sometimes get away with these maneuvers, but they might well lose in court.

However infuriatin­g and occasional­ly counterpro­ductive the procedural requiremen­ts are, they do have their virtues, for regulation and deregulati­on alike. They increase the likelihood that the executive branch will pay attention to the evidence. They require agencies to listen to the public. They decrease the risk that interest groups, ideologica­l commitment­s or political winds will drive policy in one or another direction.

In the coming years, the Trump administra­tion will often find itself stymied in its laudable efforts to remove unjustifie­d regulation­s from the books. If it wants to make progress, it will have to pick its spots—and push those reforms that would really make a big difference on the ground.

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