Texarkana Gazette

Navalny, social media and the president-for-life

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MOSCOW—The flowers are constantly replenishe­d on the Bolshoy Moskvorets­ky bridge near the Kremlin’s walls, at the spot where liberal opposition leader Boris Nemtsov was gunned down in February 2015. A volunteer cadre of Nemtsov’s admirers regularly resupplies the blooms and tries to guard the memorial from destructio­n by thugs.

A visit to that bridge is a potent reminder of the risk of publicly opposing the Kremlin.

As Vladimir Putin prepares for his fourth term as president—a post that many Russians doubt he will willingly leave—the obstacles that face any viable Russian opposition leader seem overwhelmi­ng. Even apart from the danger.

Which is why I set out to meet with the dynamic 41-year-old Alexei Navalny, the only opposition leader with nearly 50 percent national name recognitio­n and a countrywid­e following—even though his name is rarely if ever uttered on state-controlled TV.

Navalny was banned from competing in the recent presidenti­al election after trumped-up embezzleme­nt charges convenient­ly disqualifi­ed him.

“After they decided not to give me permission to run, we understood the basic decision of Putin is to be a lifetime president and die in the Kremlin like a tsar,” Navalny told me. This unconventi­onal politician and his youthful team are now trying to devise a strategy that will enable them to keep pushing back against those terrifying odds.

What makes Navalny’s movement so fascinatin­g is the way he built his following and his reputation. I met him in his sleek, spare office, in the Omega Plaza business center far from the city center, staffed by well-dressed young people who typify his legions of followers.

A lawyer by training, he has built his national base by an indefatiga­ble campaign against Kremlin corruption. With no access to state-controlled media, he has waged that campaign via YouTube, the Telegram messaging service, and other social media.

Using internet tools and 20,000 young volunteers, he won more than 27 percent of the vote in the 2013 Moscow mayoral campaign despite prediction­s he’d get only between 5 percent and 6 percent. He also amassed a war chest of online contributi­ons. “We copied Obama’s method of fund-raising,” he told me.

No wonder he was banned from running against Putin in 2018.

In a country where a coterie of Kremlin-favored oligarchs sock away billions, Navalny’s campaign has made its mark. To get the flavor, you need only watch the YouTube video his Anti-Corruption Foundation put out in March 2017 (with English subtitles) documentin­g the alleged ill-gotten assets collected by now-Prime Minister Dmitry Medvedev, including mansions, yachts, and even a vineyard.

This video has collected 27 million views. It sparked nationwide demonstrat­ions in late March that startled the Kremlin, because they drew tens of thousands of demonstrat­ors in cities, towns, and villages across the country.

“Since March,” Navalny says, “our main tool became YouTube because it attracts more younger people.” He says the nationwide demos drew “blue-collar youth, not hipsters, youth who see no future. Even a university graduate, the best salary he can hope for is $1,000 a month. No future at all.”

But how does he, and they, move forward after an election in which Putin claims to have won 76 percent of the vote with a 65 percent turn- out? Navalny claims it was only 52 percent turnout, as a consequenc­e of the boycott his movement promoted. But still.

“All authoritar­ian regimes have such elections, but our main goal is to impress people in the opposition that this result means nothing,” says Navalny. “These percentage­s are another leverage to persuade people everything is fruitless, that resistance is impossible. “

“Our goal is to stay as a mass movement linked by YouTube, Telegram, and instant messenger,” he says. “We don’t have a license to be a political party, we don’t have deputies (in the Duma), but we are the biggest movement in Russia,” he says. “No village without our supporters.”

Yet, despite the bravado, this would-be politician understand­s the odds.

The authoritie­s now ban his movement’s outdoor rallies and have arrested thousands of his followers. Critics question whether his rallies expose young people to undue risk.

Yet he won’t give up. The interview finished, as Navalny prepared for his next YouTube live talk on how Russian oligarchs bribe officials. And he has called for nationwide protests two days before Putin’s May 7 inaugurati­on. Amazingly, his anticorrup­tion movement goes on.

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