Texarkana Gazette

Where Trump went wrong on COVID-19 outbreak

- Carl Leubsdorf

For more than three years, Donald Trump lived in a presidenti­al dream world, enjoying the political benefits of the economic expansion he inherited and nurtured and avoiding serious crises despite frequent flaps stemming from his unconventi­onal style.

But most presidents ultimately face a reckoning — an unexpected 9/11 attack or internatio­nal crisis that provides a definitive test of their leadership. For Trump, that test came when the novel coronaviru­s invaded American shores and began to infect thousands from coast to coast.

Though he reacted slowly, the president got some good marks as the public rallied around his initial handling of the pandemic. Three months later, however, public disapprova­l of his actions — and his inaction — is at an alltime high, threatenin­g the re-election that has been his single-minded goal.

The contrast is striking. In various late March polls, a majority gave Trump a positive rating on handling the virus, though less than governors and scientists like Dr. Anthony Fauci. Three months later, their approval numbers remain consistent­ly positive. But Trump’s have turned negative, dropping to the low 40s — like his overall job approval.

The reasons are evident. At crucial points since the virus first emerged last year in China, Trump has opted for the less demanding of two courses, either refusing the advice of scientific advisers or accepting it grudgingly while seeking to minimize the crisis.

More recently, he tried to ignore the entire issue, using the past tense to describe the pandemic, even as infections soared unexpected­ly in many states. Instead, he has focused on reopening the economy and stressing his “law and order” credential­s in response to street protests of racial inequities.

Here are five major instances in which Trump’s inadequate leadership on the virus contribute­d to those falling poll numbers:

Slow Start. Throughout the first two months of the year, Trump ignored warnings from administra­tion intelligen­ce and health experts, dismissing initial signs of the pandemic as transient. Some critics believe he relied too heavily on Chinese reassuranc­es because of his eagerness for a big trade deal. The early delay contribute­d to later testing shortages.

Incomplete Travel Ban. In an action he touts as showing his strong action, Trump issued a partial ban Jan. 31 on travel from China, the origin of the pandemic. But the ban had loopholes, and his failure to similarly limit travel from Europe for six weeks left the country highly vulnerable to the virus, evidenced by sharp spikes of infections in the New York metropolit­an area.

Mixed signals. Even after Trump declared an emergency and ordered a national lockdown in mid-March, he repeatedly sent false signals creating doubts he favored the actions he proposed. When a shortage of COVID19 tests hampered the response, he said “I don’t take responsibi­lity at all.” Instead of creating a unified national response to what became the country’s greatest health crisis, he declared action was up to the states and bashed governors seeking more federal help. Within weeks, he prematurel­y sought to end his own restrictio­ns, pushing to restart economic activity lest a prolonged recession derail his re-election hopes.

Premature reopening. Even before his own April 30 deadline, Trump was urging states to resume economic activity, successful­ly persuading Republican-led states like Texas, Arizona and Florida to act though they failed to meet federal guidelines. In a symbolic but significan­t move, Trump undercut his own administra­tion’s enforcemen­t regimen by refusing to wear the protective mask that scientific advisers like Fauci repeatedly called the best way to curb the virus.

Ignoring reality. As the number of infections plateaued, then resumed to rise, Trump declared victory and switched his focus to economic revival and street protests on police crimes and broader racial issues. When his anti-pandemic task force held its first briefing in two months last Friday, Trump was absent. Vice President

Mike Pence presented so optimistic a report that CNN’s Dana Bash likened it to the infamous “five o’clock follies” where military briefers gave misleading accounts of alleged progress in the Vietnam War.

In an ironic twist, as Sun Belt infections soared, levels dropped in the Northeast, where strict steps by Democratic governors against initially high infection rates often drew Trump criticism. One reason: After slow initial reactions, New York Gov. Andrew Cuomo and others, unlike Trump, acted decisively by institutin­g and maintainin­g strict isolation rules until the situation turned.

In a related matter, Trump is courting further political damage by joining a Republican lawsuit to scrap the Affordable Care Act, the Obama-era law that gave millions health care coverage. With many unemployed Americans relying on Obamacare because they lost job-based insurance, Trump is giving Democrats another election issue.

Already, polling shows most Americans reject his decision prioritizi­ng economic reopening over eliminatin­g the COVID-19 health threat. Similarly, polls show Trump’s hardline reaction to protests after George Floyd’s murder a minority stance.

As a result, Trump finds himself in a deep political hole against his anticipate­d Democratic rival, former Vice President Joe Biden. Barring significan­t changes in tone and substance, failing his most crucial leadership test could well cost Trump the presidency itself.

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