Texarkana Gazette

Trump’s failure to build the wall is entirely his own

- Ramesh Ponnuru

While the world waits and waits to see whether Donald Trump will seek the presidency again, it is worth looking back at one of the enduring puzzles of his time in office: why he failed to achieve some of his key goals on immigratio­n even when the opportunit­y to win seemed to be handed to him.

Immigratio­n was central to his rise. During the 2016 primaries, Republican voters who said it was their top issue were among his biggest supporters. A wall on the U.S. border with Mexico was his most famous policy objective. Yet he got only 47 miles of the border walled off during his term.

Even though he was elected alongside Republican majorities in the House and Senate, he did not make funding for the wall a legislativ­e priority. And he kicked away his best chance at a bipartisan deal to pay for it.

In February 2018, while Republican­s still had a slim Senate majority, seven Democratic senators offered to provide $25 billion in funding for a wall. In return Republican­s were to grant legal status to millions of undocument­ed immigrants who came to the U.S. as minors. As Trump had also been saying he wanted them to have legal status, this idea had the makings of a double win for him. He could deliver for his base and soften his image at the same time. He had said the month before that he would sign any deal Congress sent him.

But then the president switched course. He said he would veto any bill that didn’t meet four conditions. In addition to wall funding and a targeted legalizati­on, he wanted Congress to end chain migration and the diversity lottery, two categories of legal immigratio­n.

Trump had endorsed a bill to enact those reductions a few months earlier, but never insisted on them as conditions for a deal. Cuts to legal immigratio­n that he hadn’t even campaigned on turned out to be deal-breakers. A day after his statement, the Senate voted down those cuts 60-39, with 14 Republican­s opposed. The political conditions for a deal then disappeare­d, never to return.

A year later, Trump backflippe­d again. In his State of the Union address in 2019, he said he wanted higher levels of immigratio­n: “I want people to come into our country in the largest numbers ever, but they have to come in legally.” He didn’t follow through with any concrete proposal, but he reiterated this desire on multiple occasions. The upshot: Trump had thrown away the chance to deliver on his promise to build the border wall, and he had done it in the name of immigratio­n cuts to which he had no real commitment.

This seemingly self-defeating behavior was all a matter of public record in real time. But I hadn’t seen Trump’s explanatio­n for it until I got to the last few pages of “Border Wars,” a book about his immigratio­n policies that New York Times reporters Julie Hirschfeld Davis and Michael Shear published in late 2019.

Trump gave the reporters a 35-minute interview in June of that year. He told them the country needed more immigrants, and they brought up his earlier endorsemen­t of major reductions in immigratio­n. The reaction? “‘I disagreed with that aspect of it.”

That aspect of it? The senators who introduced the bill Trump endorsed — the one to end the diversity lottery and chain migration — had explained from the beginning that cutting immigratio­n was the point. Their initial press release promised “a 50 percent reduction” from recent levels. Trump’s White House included that reduction in its list of selling points for the bill — while complainin­g that current levels were “adding more than the population of San Francisco to the country every year.”

The cuts were, again, the main obstacle to a deal. Trump had said that funding a border wall and legalizing immigrants who came here illegally as minors were not enough for him; he would veto any immigratio­n legislatio­n that left chain migration and the diversity lottery in place.

The mystery remains. Had Trump changed his mind about legal immigratio­n levels, and then forgotten about it or lied when he talked to the reporters? Was he actually in the dark about the meaning of the legislatio­n he had put his administra­tion behind? Did he not realize he was putting his own declared priorities at risk in the name of something he didn’t even favor? Did he care?

We may never know; Trump may never know either. One thing we can conclude from the former president’s immigratio­n record: If you don’t know what you want, you probably won’t get it.

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