Texarkana Gazette

Confiscate Russian assets? The West should resist

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With the costs of Vladimir Putin’s invasion of Ukraine already exceeding $500 billion, some Western government­s are pushing to use frozen Russian assets to pay for an eventual reconstruc­tion. The moral case for holding Putin accountabl­e is clear. Unilateral­ly diverting Russian assets to Ukraine at this stage, however, would create more problems than it would solve.

About $300 billion in Russian central bank assets have been frozen by Western government­s since the start of the war, in addition to tens of billions in yachts, mansions and other property belonging to oligarchs and officials linked to the Kremlin. Advocates say that repurposin­g those assets is justified under the principle of “aggressor pays” — which is meant to punish states that try to redraw borders by force — and that funds should be released to Ukraine immediatel­y, even with the war raging. Rebuilding the country’s bombed-out infrastruc­ture would help stabilize Ukraine’s economy, encourage refugees to return, and boost public morale.

Yet an outright seizure of Russia’s assets would be politicall­y fraught. It would be contested by countries such as Brazil, China and India, none of which supported a United Nations resolution last November calling for Russia to pay reparation­s. It would also set a worrying legal precedent. There are few establishe­d rules for confiscati­ng frozen state assets, for good reason: Respect for state and private property is essential to modern economies and a functionin­g global trading system. By confiscati­ng Russian assets, the US and Europe would risk underminin­g that hard-won norm, while giving other government­s an incentive to take punitive action against Western interests.

The West has other options in the meantime. Clearing houses reinvest income from frozen assets, generating interest worth several billion euros a year. The EU is right to investigat­e ways to deny Russia access to those gains and apply them toward rebuilding Ukraine. Similarly, firms with Russian holdings could be made to transfer the profits made from investing them for the purposes of compensati­on.

Western countries should also make explicit (as the UK is seeking to do) that Russian assets will remain frozen until Moscow agrees to pay reparation­s. That linkage reinforces the principle of state responsibi­lity and holds the assets as a bargaining chip in any future negotiatio­ns to end the war.

Meanwhile, the West should work with Ukraine to set up an internatio­nal claims commission, similar to those used in hundreds of past conflicts. This should include a process for adjudicati­ng requests for compensati­on, including private claims. Western government­s should conduct a transparen­t accounting of all Russian assets currently in abeyance. Ukraine needs to do its part by pressing ahead with judicial reforms, which are crucial to reducing corruption and bolstering confidence that reconstruc­tion funds will be properly spent.

The desire to make Russia pay for its aggression is understand­able, but Western leaders must be mindful of political realities and the rule of law. The best way to hold Putin accountabl­e is to adhere to the principles of due process and respect for property that Russia has sought to destroy.

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