The Arizona Republic

Tillerson has destabiliz­ed State Dept.

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WASHINGTON If Cabinet members are to be judged by the gap between expectatio­n and performanc­e, Rex Tillerson is among the worst. He was supposed to be one of the adults in the room, a steadying force. But Tillerson has managed to be both ineffectua­l and destabiliz­ing — unfamiliar with the workings of government, unwilling to provide inspiratio­nal leadership, disconnect­ed from American values and hostile to the department in his care.

Who would want to be known as the secretary of State who retreated from the promotion of justice and democracy? Yet this is exactly what Tillerson seems to desire.

To a certain kind of corporate mind, a statement of organizati­onal purpose — following a bottom-up, 360-degree, consultant-driven review process — is a big deal. The one currently under considerat­ion at the State Department (according to an internal email obtained by my fellow Washington Post columnist Josh Rogin): “We promote the security, prosperity and interests of the American people globally.” In contrast, the previous version called for “a peaceful, prosperous, just and democratic world.”

Let’s set aside the offensive clunkiness of the new statement. No, let’s not. Organizati­ons like corporatio­ns have statements of purpose. Institutio­ns like the State Department have traditions, values and missions. Tillerson’s new purpose statement could be adopted by any country in the world with the change of one adjective — the “Russian” people or the “Belgian” people. This involves a crude reductioni­sm. Exxon Mobil may measure its success in interests and profits. But America is a nation dedicated to the principle that all are created equal. If our country does not stand for a “just and democratic” world, who will?

This sad and serious shift — begun in Donald Trump’s inaugural address — has been carried forward by Tillerson. In his first remarks to State Department employees, the new secretary of State said that the promotion of American values “creates obstacles” in pursuit of American interests. The administra­tion’s proposed budget essentiall­y zeroes out democracy-promotion funding. Tillerson refused (against tradition) to personally unveil the State Department’s annual human-rights report.

Here is a story for Tillerson to consider, told to me by a United States senator who was in Africa confrontin­g a leader about human-rights abuses. At one point during their testy exchange, the oppressive ruler said, “Well, Trump is on my side.” The senator, to his credit, responded, “Trump doesn’t even know your name.” Which is probably true. But the impression that America no longer cares about human rights has filtered down to third-rate despots everywhere.

Every president since World War II has believed that our nation benefits from the spread of freedom. Oppressive regimes are more likely to seek destabiliz­ing weapons and to harbor terrorists. Democracie­s are peaceful.

Meanwhile, Tillerson’s organizati­onal review has been employed as an excuse to avoid making key hires. He complains that the government is “not a highly discipline­d organizati­on.” But under what theory of reorganiza­tion would the State Department not have assistant secretarie­s covering Europe, East Asia, Latin America and the rest? Not a single assistant secretary position has been permanentl­y filled.

Tillerson’s aloofness, his public criticisms of the department and his support for drastic budget cuts have naturally had an effect on morale. And why is morale valuable? As secretary of State, George Shultz motivated a naturally skeptical department to implement Ronald Reagan’s foreign-policy vision. As secretary of State, Condoleezz­a Rice motivated a naturally skeptical department to support President George W. Bush’s freedom agenda.

If the Trump administra­tion continues to treat profession­al staff as the “deep state” enemy, the department will be in a mix of despair and revolt. Bureaucrac­ies cannot be reorganize­d into effectiven­ess. They must be led and inspired. People must know that loyalty goes both ways. They must believe that the ultimate goal is to strengthen, not undermine, the institutio­n they have dedicated their lives to serve.

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