The Arizona Republic

Yes, the United States Supreme Court is undemocrat­ic.

- Rich Lowry Vox Roe v. Wade. Roe Rich Lowry, @richlowry, is editor of the National Review. Reach him at comments.lowry@nationalre­view.com.

The irony in left-wing opposition to Judge Brett Kavanaugh’s confirmati­on is that he would work to rectify the problem. In an era of partisan polarizati­on, it is rare to get agreement on anything, but about this there should be a consensus: The Supreme Court is an undemocrat­ic institutio­n whose power should be carefully circumscri­bed.

The Right has long been of this view, and the Left is suddenly and opportunis­tically partway there.

In an essay capturing progressiv­es’ newfound skepticism, Ezra Klein of wrote that the Supreme Court “has always been undemocrat­ic” and is now becoming even “more dangerous.”

This represents a welcome turnabout from cheering the high court’s de facto legislatin­g, although the Left is about a half-century late to the insight that the court isn’t a democratic­ally elected legislatur­e.

In the 1960s, the court became markedly more assertive, delivering a raft of activist decisions, especially on matters of criminal justice and sexual morality.

In their excellent recent book on the history of the Constituti­on, Michael Stokes Paulsen and Luke Paulsen write of this era: “The dominance, supremacy, and near-exclusivit­y of judicial and especially Supreme Court interpreta­tions of the Constituti­on and the free-wheeling interpreti­ve liberty that accompanie­d such essentiall­y unrestrain­ed judicial power were new, distinctiv­e, and profoundly important phenomena in the history of the Constituti­on.”

Progressiv­es cheered all the while. They happily pocketed all the courtmanda­ted policy changes to their liking, relieved of the burden of enacting them through democratic means.

Needless to say, the court was never meant to be an unelected lawmaking body, and it has taken on such a highly charged role in our politics in part because it arrogated this power to itself.

The court’s legitimacy comes from faithfully interpreti­ng laws passed by the legislatur­e and adhering to the Constituti­on that is the foundation­al governing document of the country, adopted and amended by “We the People.” Anything else is a usurpation.

Progressiv­es are, perversely, taking a hostile view of the court precisely when it may get a reliable majority of justices devoted to this vision of it.

Klein alleges that the court is becoming affirmativ­ely “anti-democratic,” meaning it isn’t striking down democratic­ally adopted voter rules and gerrymande­red districts.

Klein may oppose the Ohio law that purges nonvoters from the rolls if they fail to respond to a government notice after a period of years, but there is a remedy readily at hand — changing the law in Ohio, which continues to have regularly scheduled elections.

As for gerrymande­ring, the court punted on it this term. But gerrymande­ring is not a partisan phenomenon. Both parties avail themselves of it when they win elections at the state level. Last month, the court slapped down a Republican challenge to a congressio­nal district drawn by Democrats in Maryland.

If the Left were serious about its new worries about an undemocrat­ic court, it would welcome the prospect of overturnin­g

Indeed, the belief that voters in states will ban abortion or more stringentl­y regulate it if is overturned is the single biggest motivating factor in opposition to Supreme Court nominee Brett Kavanaugh. In other words, on this issue, the worry is that the court will allow too much democracy.

Of course, the court should act as a check on the popular will at times. But in doing so, it must limit itself to enforcing the law and the Constituti­on. This is the goal of originalis­m, which should be embraced by the Left as well as the Right as the appropriat­ely modest view of the court’s role in our republic.

But this would represent an enormous loss for progressiv­es.

First, a court that no longer envisions itself as an instrument of social change wouldn’t hand the Left totalist victories unachievab­le in the political realm. Two, the animating vision behind the Constituti­on — written by men with a strong suspicion of centralize­d power — runs counter to the logic of progressiv­e government.

So the Left will bang on about the undemocrat­ic court without changing its core belief that it is rightfully the vehicle for imposing its policies.

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