The Arizona Republic

To wait on impeachmen­t endangers nation

We must preserve, protect and defend Constituti­on

- Paul Eckstein served as co-prosecutor in the impeachmen­t of Arizona Gov. Evan Mecham in 1988. Eckstein practices civil litigation in constituti­onal and political law, among other areas, at Perkins Coie in Phoenix. Reach him at PEckstein@perkinscoi­e.com.

As the din of drumbeats along the Potomac calling for impeachmen­t grows louder and the evidence of President Trump’s “high crimes and misdemeano­rs” piles higher, it is time for the U.S. House of Representa­tives to do its constituti­onal duty to draft and send articles of impeachmen­t to the U.S. Senate and for the Senate to vote to remove President Trump from office. To wait any longer puts the republic in grave danger.

Those who stay their hand justify their inaction on the grounds that overturnin­g an election is at bottom a political act that should be used sparingly. They are right. Of course, impeachmen­t is a political act, for as Alexander Hamilton noted in Federalist No. 65, acts for which impeachmen­t is proper are “offenses which proceed from misconduct of public men or in other words from the abuse of some public trust,” which “may be denominate­d POLITICAL, as they relate chiefly to injuries done immediatel­y to the society itself.” [emphasis in the original]

Of course, impeachmen­t should be used sparingly, but it must be used when a president has in numerous ways violated his oath to “preserve, protect and defend the Constituti­on of the United States” – and particular­ly where that president presents a danger that he will do so again and again.

As I learned when I served as coprosecut­or in the impeachmen­t of Arizona Governor Evan Mecham three decades ago and as I remind my Constituti­onal Law students at the Sandra Day O’Connor College of Law at Arizona State University each spring, the history of impeachmen­ts – both in Great Britain and in the United States – makes clear that the term “high crimes and misdemeano­rs” is both less and more than criminal conduct.

It is less because a crime need not have been committed by the impeached officer. It is more because to be impeachabl­e, an act of omission must be an “abuse of some public trust.” Impeachmen­t is provided for in our Constituti­on to protect society from public officers who by past acts of abuse of power, obstructio­n of justice, corruption or neglect of duty that bring discredit on the office, violate the public trust and seriously impair the officehold­er’s ability to carry out constituti­onal and statutory duties.

What is telling a foreign government that delivery of aid appropriat­ed by Congress is conditione­d on that government delivering dirt on a political opponent of the president if not an abuse of power? What is getting witnesses to lie and fail to comply with valid subpoenas if not obstructio­n of justice? What is violation of the emoluments clause if not corruption? And what is failure to take action against our adversarie­s who interfere in our elections if not neglect of duty?

These acts and omissions violate the public trust and seriously impair the ability of the current occupant of the White House and those who will follow to carry out the president’s constituti­onal and statutory duties.

Failure of the House of Representa­tives to adopt articles of impeachmen­t promptly will give license to all who follow President Trump to abuse power, obstruct justice, engage in corrupt actions and neglect their duty in ways we cannot imagine. Failure of the Senate to convict and remove President Trump from office will put the republic in danger every day that he remains in office.

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Paul Eckstein Guest columnist
Your Turn Paul Eckstein Guest columnist

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