The Arizona Republic

Can we finally ban Grand Canyon uranium mining?

- Your Turn Raúl M. Grijalva Guest columnist Rep. Raúl M. Grijalva, D-Ariz., is chairman of the House Committee on Natural Resources.

This year is the 100th anniversar­y of the establishm­ent of Grand Canyon National Park. Even with former fossil fuel lobbyists in charge of Trump administra­tion environmen­tal policy, this should be a time to celebrate.

Instead, the administra­tion is considerin­g whether to open this internatio­nally iconic landmark to new uranium mining claims. The president recently classified uranium as a “critical mineral,” despite it not matching the definition of the term.

The latest fight over the future of the Grand Canyon started in 2012 when, in a move I had proposed since 2008, Interior Secretary Ken Salazar put a 20-year pause on new uranium mining claims on about 1 million acres of federally protected land around Grand Canyon National Park.

Conservati­on agencies needed, and still need, time to study the health and environmen­tal risks of allowing uranium mining to continue (or even expand) in such a sensitive region.

Fossil fuel corporatio­ns and their allies in Congress are pushing the president to end that moratorium now, more than a decade ahead of schedule. I’m calling on my colleagues in Congress to unite in support of Grand Canyon protection­s until President Donald Trump declares it off-limits for the long term.

The House is voting this week on my bill, the Grand Canyon Centennial Protection Act, to make the moratorium permanent. If it passes, the Senate should take it up and say no to this blatant act of corporate welfare.

The park itself, a wonder of the world and a crown jewel of the national park system, is not the only place at risk. About 40 million people rely on water from the Colorado River, which flows through parts of five states and whose watershed includes two more.

Salazar’s order was based on wellfounde­d, scientific­ally supported concerns that uranium mining could harm people across the Southwest and contaminat­e the habitats that wildlife have relied on for millennia.

The moratorium has been upheld twice by federal courts, despite the industry’s best efforts to overturn it. The risk is real, and our public interest in protecting ourselves from potentiall­y serious impacts is legitimate.

There is simply no reason to prop up the uranium industry. We have no domestic uranium shortfall, and our supply chain is perfectly stable. The price of uranium is low, and the business case for more uranium mining – at least without massive federal subsidies at taxpayer expense – does not exist.

Unfortunat­ely, the Trump administra­tion is run by people like Andrew Wheeler, the administra­tor at the Environmen­tal Protection Agency, who was a paid lobbyist for a firm that represents uranium heavyweigh­t Energy Fuels Resources until he joined the federal government.

Perhaps even more worrisome is William Perry Pendley, the acting director of the Bureau of Land Management, who was the president of a legal firm that sued the federal government in 2012 on behalf of the Northwest Mining Associatio­n, which sought to overturn the Grand Canyon moratorium.

The Havasupai Tribe lives at the bottom of the Grand Canyon, primarily in the village of Supai. The Navajo Nation’s experience­s with uranium were traumatic enough for the tribal government to warn the Havasupai that they don’t want to end up the same way.

That’s a message we should all take to heart as we consider how to respond to an industry that doesn’t need, or deserve, fresh government handouts.

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