Biden and Democrats must toughen up to beat Trump

In his new book, John Bolton charged Democrats with “impeachment malpractice” for being so timid in the scope of their inquiry. Few Democrats are interested in hearing from the former national security adviser. The hypocrisy of saying this after having refused to testify is beyond contempt.

But his comments do send an important message to Democrats. They will need to be tougher if former Vice President Joe Biden wants to win the White House. The polls look good for Biden now, and President Donald Trump could be headed toward an epic disaster in November. But Democrats need to be careful. The president’s campaign has not really yet begun – and when it does, it will be brutal.

Already, Trump is dipping into the toxic well of racial backlash. Members of Team Trump have smeared Biden with charges of demetia and being “weak on China.” While Biden has confidence in our better angels, the president will break every rule in the playbook. He’ll unleash a torrent of innuendo, investigation and character assassination. Yet it’s safe to bet that Biden won’t dive into the political muck.

Democrats have long been unwilling to accept the ugly character of modern partisanship. Since the 1980s and the rise of Georgian Newt Gingrich, Republicans have been playing by one set of rules while Democrats generally stick to another. As ex-Trump aide Stephen Bannon quipped, according to Michael Moore, Republicans go for the head wound and Democrats have pillow fights.

Gingrich invented the smash-mouth style of partisan warfare that Trump uses in the Oval Office. He entered Congress in 1979 during an era when Democrats had controlled the House since the 1954 election. Although the GOP temporarily regained the Senate majority from 1981 to 1987, overall the picture on Capitol Hill was bleak.

Accepting the status quo was politically suicidal, Gingrich believed. He insisted his party needed to abandon core governing norms and be willing to risk damaging institutions if necessary. Everything was expendable in pursuit of partisan power. He dismissed Washington’s obsession with civil bipartisanship as nothing more than a cover for

Democrats to remain in control.

In 1984, with C-SPAN cameras rolling, Gingrich showcased his McCarthyite tactics. At the end of every day, he and his allies delivered “one-minute speeches” during which they blasted unpatriotic Democrats for opposing President Ronald Reagan’s wars in Central America. When Gingrich called on legislators to respond, all viewers heard was dead silence as the camera – based on the rules of the House – remained focused on the person speaking. What viewers didn’t know was that Gingrich spoke to an empty chamber.

When Texan James Wright became speaker in 1987, Gingrich went nuclear. Though Wright had spent his entire career in public service and avoided any major scandal, the national and local press had raised questions about the Democrat’s relationship to lobbyists connected with Texas and his bulk sales of a book of speeches to interest groups.

Gingrich handled the ethics case like a campaign. The ethics rules adopted in the 1970s to prevent wrongdoing, and well-meaning investigative journalism inspired by Bob Woodward and Carl Bernstein, in Gingrich’s mind were just partisan bludgeons. He accused Wright of being the “most corrupt speaker“of the 20th century and circulated news clippings about Wright to gin up interest among reporters and politicians.

The strategy worked.

The parties’ clashing trajectories were on display on May 31, 1989. Wright gave a rousing resignation speech warning that if his colleagues didn’t stand up to the “self-appointed vigilantes” tearing each other down, the “mindless cannibalism” would eat up Washington. He hoped that by sacrificing himself, both parties could cease and desist.

The thing was that Gingrich and the Republicans never had any plans to slow down.

The refusal to be more aggressive has constantly hurt Democrats.

Why have Democrats been so much more timid? Because Democrats believe in government, they have never been as comfortable taking action that could be too damaging to our ability to govern. Because Republicans embraced a staunch anti-government philosophy in the 1980s, they have always been more open to burning down the house.

To beat Trump, the Democrats need to be much tougher.