The Atlanta Journal-Constitution

Dark money growing in local politics

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Dark money has flooded presidenti­al and congressio­nal races since 2010, following a U.S. Supreme Court ruling in the Citizens United case that allowed issue advocacy groups to spend money in political campaigns.

A study published last month by New York University’s Brennan Center For Justice found dark money’s influence is growing in local politics, too. In a study of six states, not including Georgia, Brennan found a 38 percent increase of dark money in local and state races since 2004.

The study’s authors said dark money poses “special dangers” at the state and local levels because “sources often harbour a narrow, direct economic interest” in the result.

“In relatively low-cost elections ... it is easy for dark money to dominate with unaccounta­ble messages that voters cannot meaningful­ly evaluate,” the authors wrote.

Dark money is popular with corporatio­ns and individual­s who don’t want to be associated with a controvers­ial issue or unpopular candidate, said University of Georgia political science professor Charles Bullock.

“It’s the way to go if you don’t want your name attached to something,” Bullock said.

Michael Kang, an Emory law professor who has written about election law, said the problem with dark money is that it makes credibilit­y judgments more difficult for voters.

The organizati­ons must report broad categories of spending to the IRS, he said, but that isn’t “timely or helpful to people interested in disclosure.”

Lee’s messaging suffered credibilit­y issues even without voters knowing all the sources of money, said Kerwin Swint, chairman of Kennesaw State’s Political Science Department.

The chairman’s image was inextricab­ly linked to Cobb’s business establishm­ent, even before he pushed through the $400 million public investment in SunTrust Park, which became the centerpiec­e of Boyce’s grass-roots campaign. And Lee favored other controvers­ial big-ticket projects, like the $500 million bus rapid transit proposal, that conflicted with many of the county’s rank-and-file conservati­ves.

“You have to be a credible messenger, and a lot of people by this time didn’t think Tim Lee was,” Swint said. “Some of the personal things, the name calling ... didn’t resonate.”

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