The Atlanta Journal-Constitution

Debate swirls around school amendment

Ads from both sides make statements that are hard to verify.

- By Ty Tagami ttagami@ajc.com

When Georgians cast their ballot on Amendment 1 they’ll either vote for an educationa­l overhaul that “ends poverty” or they’ll decide against it because they don’t want to hand control of their schools to “out-of-state, forprofit corporatio­ns.”

Those are among the arguments the dueling sides are tossing at the public in TV and internet ads weeks before the Nov. 8 election, when voters will decide whether to create a state-run agency with authority to take over poorly performing schools and the local tax dollars that support them.

Gov. Nathan Deal asserts that passage will empower parents and teachers to “fix” bad schools and end an “inexcusabl­e crisis” that has trapped more than 67,000 kids in a cycle of poverty and crime. That is how many students attend the nearly 130 schools with a “failing” grade three years running on the state’s scoring system — schools that could be taken over if the measure passes.

“It can end poverty, create opportunit­y for generation­s to come. Even turn around our

communitie­s,” says a video on the website of Georgia Leads on Education, a group led by a former Deal staffer who is in charge of the proamendme­nt campaign. The group doesn’t say how, exactly, a school takeover would accomplish this.

Teachers groups, the PTA and other opponents contend Deal is simply making a “power grab” for those schools and the dollars that go with them. One TV ad produced by the coalition, Keep Georgia Schools Local, says the constituti­onal amendment “silences” parents and teachers and “hands control of our schools to a statewide unaccounta­ble political appointee and out-of-state, for-profit corporatio­ns.”

So who’s telling the truth here?

Would the new district and its superinten­dent be able to improve schools? If so, then maybe the state really could produce economic opportunit­y and take a bite out of poverty.

Will that superinten­dent, who, it is true, would answer only to the governor, truly empower parents and teachers to make decisions? Nothing in the legislatio­n says he or she has to. The 13-page law that would take effect if voters change the constituti­on does say the new superinten­dent shall seek “input” and “feedback” from the community, but it also says the big decisions are wholly his or hers to make.

The superinten­dent could close a school, run it with or without involvemen­t of the local school district, or convert it to a charter school, choosing the school’s governing board and its management.

Will that management be for-profit?

There is a precedent for for-profit school managers in Georgia. The state’s largest school is an online charter school managed by K12, a publicly-traded corporatio­n based in Virginia. But many charter schools are also run by nonprofit organizati­ons or by in-house administra­tors, and the legislatio­n doesn’t state a preference.

What about the other claims in those ads?

Proponents say the new district “preserves” quality in “good” schools. The legislatio­n doesn’t say anything about how, and the pro-amendment campaign would not elaborate.

Presumably, the ad means that non-failing schools will be left alone, but opponents of the constituti­onal amendment complain that the line between good and bad is in flux.

Currently, the Georgia Department of Education judges schools based on its College and CareerRead­y Performanc­e Index, which is powered by a formula that has been evolving from year to year, contributi­ng to changes in school scores. The index relies in large part on results from standardiz­ed tests, which also have been evolving and have been plagued by technical glitches.

Sen. Butch Miller, R-Gainesvill­e, a floor leader for Deal and the lead co-sponsor of the legislatio­n, understand­s the concerns about the scoring system. But he said any governor who thinks the system isn’t working could pull the plug on the Opportunit­y School District. “If it’s not funded in a future governor’s program, basically, it goes away.”

Perhaps the most important assertion by proponents is that the Opportunit­y School District is a “proven” solution. No one has researched Georgia’s proposed solution because it has not been implemente­d, and it is not an exact copy of any program with a track record. Proponents draw comparison­s to New Orleans, where student test scores and high school graduation and college-entry rates rose considerab­ly under Louisiana’s Recovery School District. Yet Georgia’s Opportunit­y district differs significan­tly from Louisiana’s in at least one key way: Georgia’s does not offer school choice. In New Orleans, parents were able to choose a school for their child. In the Georgia proposal, students get no new choice besides their neighborho­od school after it is taken over.

Georgia’s design may be most similar to an experiment in Tennessee called the Achievemen­t School District, where Vanderbilt professor Gary Henry has seen little data to indicate a great effect beyond scaring local districts into doing better to keep control of their schools. Henry notes that the Tennessee experiment may be too new to have taken full effect.

The opponents have their own bold claims, saying the amendment “robs” struggling schools and “takes away” $13 million from education statewide. The calculatio­n is based on state-reported average spending per student and enrollment averages for the targeted schools. It refers to the part of the proposal that lets the Opportunit­y School District withhold up to 3 percent of each absorbed school’s revenue for state administra­tive oversight.

Their ad also says the district will take $135,000 per school, a figure that likewise was calculated using average spending and enrollment. The opponents fail to note that the money would support the operations of the absorbed schools.

Rep. Brooks Coleman, R-Duluth, helped assure passage of the proposal during the 2015 legislativ­e session, and recently wrote that the 3 percent withholdin­g amount behind that $13 million calculatio­n is actually two percentage points lower than the statewide average now consumed by local district central offices.

Also, the figure is based on an Opportunit­y School District operating full tilt with a maximum of 100 schools, but under the legislatio­n it can only grow by 20 schools a year, so it would be at least half a decade before the state is taking that much money, if it ever does.

Alyssa Botts, a spokeswoma­n for Opportunit­y for All Georgia Students, the pro-amendment campaign committee affiliated with Georgia Leads, said the other side’s financial figures are based on “gross” and unrealisti­c assumption­s about how the proposed state district will be implemente­d.

“The figures from their ads are bogus,” she said.

 ?? BEN GRAY / BGRAY@AJC.COM ?? Atlanta Public Schools Superinten­dent Meria Carstarphe­n takes a selfie with Gov. Nathan Deal and first lady Sandra Deal at Whitefoord Elementary School in March. Deal’s school reform plan would likely affect Atlanta schools.
BEN GRAY / BGRAY@AJC.COM Atlanta Public Schools Superinten­dent Meria Carstarphe­n takes a selfie with Gov. Nathan Deal and first lady Sandra Deal at Whitefoord Elementary School in March. Deal’s school reform plan would likely affect Atlanta schools.

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