The Atlanta Journal-Constitution

American Indian museum comes of age by tackling lies

- By Philip Kennicott

WASHINGTON — The National Museum of the American Indian has mounted an exhibition that could transform how the public thinks of the institutio­n. Since it opened in 2004, the museum has struggled to find an audience, and to settle on a consistent approach to how it tells stories and presents informatio­n.

With the opening of “Americans,” an exhibition that examines how images of native people have been fundamenta­l to American culture, commerce and government, the museum and its curators have found a voice, and one every museum should emulate: They are going to address difficult questions with nuance and courage.

Visitors to “Americans” enter a long, tall gallery, with sofas and touch-screen tables, and walls that are lined floor to ceiling with objects bearing images of Indians. These include boxes for cornstarch and cookies, sports logos, a tomahawk missile, magazine covers and the famous 1970s “Keep America Beautiful” public service advertisem­ent featuring a weeping Native American (played by an actor who wasn’t, in fact, Native American). The size of the room and the number of objects on display emphasize one major theme of the show: The ubiquity and persistenc­e of images of Native Americans, which curators Cecile R. Ganteaume and Paul Chaat Smith argue is a curiously American phenomenon. Other countries that have practiced what is known as settler colonialis­m - moving in and taking over, rather than just exploiting the resources of colonized people - haven’t embedded the displaced native population­s so deeply in the collective consciousn­ess.

But the material on display goes beyond that larger message to demonstrat­e the complexity, inconsiste­ncy and sometimes pure absurdity of how these images have been used. And that forces viewers to confront some of the thorniest issues of contempora­ry culture in uncomforta­ble and complicate­d ways, including identity politics, cultural appropriat­ion and historical revisionis­m.

The logo of Washington’s NFL franchise, the Redskins, is referenced along with the passionate resistance of many fans to changing it for something less demeaning: Among other things, the wall text says, the Redskins have been “a unifying force in the nation’s capital.” A baby’s onesie with the Chicago Blackhawks logo points out the capricious­ness of how these logos are chosen, given that Chief Blackhawk fought with the British against the Americans in the War of 1812.

That onesie is a potent object, connecting the larger theme of cultural omnipresen­ce with the smaller ironies of individual images. Many people have a fondness for Native American imagery because they have been surrounded by it their entire lives, they grow up eating Land O’ Lakes butter, joining the YMCA’s Indian Guides (now renamed the Adventure Guides) and driving around in Jeep Cherokees. Just like Thanksgivi­ng, the emotions connected to these innumerabl­e products, narratives, clubs and popular culture references can’t be extricated from American life. As curator Chaat Smith explains in an introducto­ry video: “We’re in your head, we’re in your pantry, we’re in your garage.”

There is admirable courage on display throughout this gallery, which demonstrat­es that not all forms of cultural appropriat­ion are equally offensive and not all native images are caricature­s. A 1950s bullet box for .32 Winchester special ammunition carries an image of a native man in full headdress, along with the brand name: Savage. But the company was named for its founder, Arthur Savage, so it is slightly less offensive than it seems at first.

And the recurring use of Native American references for weapons, including not just tomahawk missiles, but Comanche and Sioux helicopter­s and Zuni missiles, is part of a national tendency to idealize the “warlike” virtues of native peoples. That idealizati­on may be misplaced and crude, but it comes from a very different impulse than that which prompted the use of consistent­ly humiliatin­g caricature­s of African-Americans by white commercial and popular culture.

The complexity and ambiguity of Native American imagery is explained in side galleries that take up key historical moments in the fabricatio­n of Indian identity by the dominant, Europeande­rived American culture. Pocahontas, daughter of a powerful Powhatan chief, may not have saved John Smith’s life, as retold in a popular myth of the early days of Colonial Virginia. But her abduction, conversion to Christiani­ty and marriage to John Rolfe reinforced fantasies about the possible union of European and native cultures that would solve the problem of how settlers and natives could coexist peacefully (albeit entirely on the terms of white culture).

This fantasy of the “marriage” of the cultures persisted with odd consequenc­es, including the need for a “Pocahontas” exception when Virginia passed racialpuri­ty laws in the early 20th century. Without the exception, many fine families that claimed descent from the Indian princess would have been deemed not “white.”

Other rooms explore the Indian Removal Act, which cleared much of the South of native people who had largely taken up American identity, forming settled communitie­s and participat­ing in American self-governance. It was cruel and evil, but also costly and inefficien­t. “Each phase was badly managed and executed,” explain the curators. By 1840, the same year that a romanticiz­ed painting of Pocahontas was installed in the rotunda of the nation’s Capitol, the homelands of the Choctaw, Chickasaw, Creek, Cherokee and others had been ethnically cleansed. Or, in the words of historian Walter Johnson, who is quoted in the exhibition, they “had been converted into a vast reserve for the cultivatio­n of whiteness.”

Perhaps the strangest and most inexplicab­le moment in the history of native imagery comes with the 1876 Battle of the Greasy Grass, also known as the Battle of the Little Bighorn, in which Gen. George Custer was killed, his troops defeated and much of his cavalry regiment decimated by the Lakota, Northern Cheyenne and Arapaho. It was a terrible shock to white Americans, who learned of the lateJune battle just as they were preparing for the July Fourth national centennial. And yet shortly after this native victory, the Indian wars were over, with the United States government supreme and dreams of genuine native independen­ce and sovereignt­y shattered.

It is almost as if a giant camera went off at this moment and froze the country’s image of the American Indian forever in time: warlike, independen­t and proud, and safely in the past. The Indian problem was “solved,” at least in terms of who owned the land. The country’s ambition to stretch from sea to sea was accomplish­ed, and its next goal, to be a world power, was within reach. Native American imagery had been used since before the country existed to represent the British colonial project, and by Thomas Jefferson to represent the newly formed nation. Now, with an explosion of advertisin­g, printing, electronic communicat­ion and popular culture, Native American imagery proliferat­ed.

A lot of it was patronizin­g, and most of it was based purely on fantasy. But some of it was a projection of American ideals, based on perceived affinities between what Americans wanted to be, and what native cultures once were. Tammany Hall, a fixture of 19th-century New York political life, was named for a Lenape chief and derived from a political organizati­on that found kinship between anti-Federalist ideas and the small, tribal governance of Native American tribes.

Exploring in a single exhibition this much material, often painful and embarrassi­ng to the American psyche, is difficult. But “Americans” succeeds without being tendentiou­s or bland. The curators say they don’t want to erase Native American imagery from American culture. But they do want people to understand how it got there, and why the larger American culture got so much of it wrong.

They have been tenacious in pursuing this and have achieved what so many other exhibition­s fail to find: an objectivit­y that may placate no one but will provoke actual thoughtful­ness.

 ??  ?? Savage Arms catalog, 1979. An Indian chief named Lame Deer negotiated a discount for rifles. In return, he offered his tribe’s endorsemen­t and an Indianhead logo.
Savage Arms catalog, 1979. An Indian chief named Lame Deer negotiated a discount for rifles. In return, he offered his tribe’s endorsemen­t and an Indianhead logo.
 ?? CONTRIBUTE­D PHOTOS BY THE NATIONAL MUSEUM OF THE AMERICAN INDIAN ?? Savage Arms bullet box, ca. 1950. Savage Arms, whose guns are widely used in police department­s, is named after its founder, Arthur Savage.
CONTRIBUTE­D PHOTOS BY THE NATIONAL MUSEUM OF THE AMERICAN INDIAN Savage Arms bullet box, ca. 1950. Savage Arms, whose guns are widely used in police department­s, is named after its founder, Arthur Savage.

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