The Atlanta Journal-Constitution

Williams embraces Trump’s stances as he seeks attention in crowded field

- By Greg Bluestein gbluestein@ajc.com

State Sen. Michael Williams is not a political bomb-thrower. Grenade launcher may be the more apt descriptio­n.

The Cumming Republican has carved a reputation for himself in the Georgia governor’s race with one attention-grabbing position after another.

He raffled off a deadly device after it was used in a mass shooting. He enlisted a TV reality star, “Dog” the Bounty Hunter, to promote his call for increased police pay. And he led a protest against a teacher who told a student to leave her classroom because he was wearing a T-shirt supporting President Donald Trump.

Even his plunge into the race for governor was designed for maximum impact: He claimed that just before his speech, an unnamed official dangled an

offfffffff­fffer of a primo committee chairman ship if he stayed out of the race. (His colleagues laughedout loudat theclaim; one saidWillia­msmust have been dreaming.)

And at every step of the way, he’s proclaimed himself as Trump’s most ardent champion in Georgia politics.

The first state official to endorse the president, back in late 2015, he’s pledged to drain Atlanta’s version of the “swamp,” hired a former Trump campaign strategist to run his campaign and stood by every one of the president’s positions — evenwhen it meant alienating some of his party’s base.

Consider the scene in Savannah, where he drew murmurs from a room full of longtime GOP activists when he endorsed Trump’s plan to openGeorgi­a’s coast to off ff ff ff ff ff shore drilling. He was unapologet­ic.

“Forover30y­ears, Republican­s have fought for offshoredr­illing,” he told them. “Wenowhave a president, in PresidentT­rump, whoiswilli­ng to fifififigh­t for that. We have the opportunit­y to become a world leader in energy.”

His opponents largely dismiss him — Lt. Gov. Cagle, the GOP front-runner, has tried to shrug offff his attacks at some forums — and most polls show him in the basement. An Atlanta Journal- Constituti­on/ Channel 2 Action News survey showed him with just 3 percent of support fromlikely GOP voters.

Still, he insists that his standing is higher than it seems, and his allies say his fervent base of support makes him the perfect foil.

He’s dumped more than $1 million of his own funds intohis campaign, andhehas sparred on cable TV shows over some of the state’s biggest debates. Heputshis cellphone number on campaign materials, and his campaign seems always ready with a biting quote.

And he’ s under cut attempts to paint him as a one-dimensiona­l fifigure by aggressive­ly seeking laxer medical marijuana rules and more mental health resources — positionin­g himself as a champion of families struggling with debilitati­ng diseases.

Political hurdles

Those policies were inflfluenc­ed by a childhood that was shaped by his father’s mental health struggles.

Donald Will ia mssu ff ff ff f ff ff fe red from manic depression and violent mood swings dating to his time serving in the Vietnam War, and his son believes he suffered from undiagnose­d post-traumatic stress disorder.

When Williams was 7, his father tried to kill the family and himself. When Williams was 14, his father committed suicide while the son and wife were at a church camp. It sentWillia­msinto spiralsof self-doubt and self-loathing.

He tells crowds he recovered thanks to his devout faith andwork ethic. He likes to tell the story of practicing to run the hurdles as a high school senior in rural Alabama. The school only had the resources for three hurdles, and he perfected the art of jumping over each.

But during an early competitio­n, the fifirst he ran on a track with a full set of hurdles, he remembers stumblinga­fter clipping the fourth obstacle — and then getting back up and finishing the race. He likes to credit that experience with teaching him the perseveran­ce he needed in business and politics.

He launched into a career at the accounting fifi rm Arthur Anderson but quickly grew bored of corporate life. He wound up snapping up a string of Sport Clips franchises. Selling them made himawealth­yman— records show his net worth tops $9 million — and he funneled some of that cash into his fifirst political race.

A new platform

His target in that 2014 contestwas a Republican incumbent, state Sen. JackMurphy, who had becomea powerful fifi fifigu reina staunchly conservati­ve Cum ming-based district. Williams pumped more than $300,000 of his own cash into the race, painting his opponent as a shadowy supporter of the status quo.

During that contest, court fifilings fifiled by his ex-wife as part of divorce hearings surfaced that included allegation­s that he attempted suicide and squandered­money on prostitute­s and strippers. He denies the claims, and he notes a judge backed him in the custody battle.

He struggled to gain clout in a Republican-controlled Senate that emphasizes longevity and loyalty. Many saw himas a sideshowwh­omade promises he couldn’t follow through on.

“Hewants to lead the voters on and the media on,” said state Sen. Renee Unterman, a Cagle backer who sc off ff ff ff ff ff ed at Williams after he struggled through a press conference. “It’s fl flu ff ff ff ff ff ff. And it’s not very good fl flu ff ff ff ff ff ff .”

But Trump’s ascendance helped him gain currency among a new wave of voters. He trekked to Utah days before the 2016 vote to help rally fellow Mormons to Trump’s side, and he stumped across Georgia to back the New York businessma­n.

When Trump won an upset victory overHillar­y Clinton, Williams shiftedhis aimfrom secretary of state to a bigger prize. And he seemed determined to leverage his state Senate seat for maximum impact.

He pushed legislatio­n that would outlaw abortion as early as six weeks, cut state taxes and adopt a “religious liberty” proposal similar to the measure that Gov. Nathan Deal vetoed in 2016. None of his proposals gained any traction, giving him a chance to blame Cagle and other GOP leaders for their demise.

And just about every morning lawmakers convened, Williams went to the center of the chamber to tout one of his policies or rail against Cagle, who was often standing within earshot of the attack. Much of the time, his colleagues pointed ly ignored him. But Williams welcomed the awkward image.

Asked at one debate what word best described him, Williams didn’t hesitate: “fearless.”

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