The Atlanta Journal-Constitution
Lobbyists switch to back GOP lieutenant governor nominee
Geoff Duncan to face Democrat Sarah Riggs Amico next month.
The Capitol crowd typically chooses to put its money behind the candidate it believes will win.
When it became clear that Republican Secretary of State Brian Kemp was going to defeat Lt. Gov. Casey Cagle in the runoff election, prominent lobbyists and special-interest groups quickly switched their financial backing in the race for governor.
The same is true in the lieutenant governor’s race, where the statehouse establishment has turned out to fill Geoff Duncan’s campaign account after he narrowly defeated 16-year state Senate veteran David Shafer.
Duncan narrowly beat Shafer, who served five years as the Senate Republican leader, with only about 1,600 votes, or 1 percent, separating them.
While a handful of lobbyists and special-interest PACs immediately shifted their financial backing from Shafer to Duncan after the runoff, many waited until just before the recent Sept. 30 filing deadline to shell out their cash.
An Atlanta Journal-Constitution review of campaign finance disclosures found that in the three months leading up to the recent filing deadline, more than 100 of Duncan’s contributions came from statehouse lobbyists and political action committees, totaling about $193,000. Two of those donors also contributed to Duncan’s Democratic opponent, Marietta business executive Sarah Riggs Amico.
More than 60 lobbyists and statehouse PACS that had given to Shafer flipped to Duncan.
Those numbers don’t include the many associations, car dealers and bail bond companies that often fill the campaign accounts of those candidates that win
the race.
It’s not unusual for donors to switch teams once a nominee has been selected — or to contribute to both campaigns in a general election if it’s unclear who would best help meet the donor’s needs.
Plus, many of the firms that recently donated to Duncan support more conservative business interests, so donating money to a campaign is less about hoping the candidate changes his or her opinion and more about helping the person who best aligns with their clients’ values.
Tony Simon, the founder of the lobbying group ConnectSouth Public Affairs, said that’s what led his firm to donate $6,600 to Duncan shortly after the runoff. His company had previously given $12,500 to Shafer’s campaign.
“At the end of the day, a Republican lieutenant governor is going to be best for the interest of our clients,” Simon said. “Not only would Geoff Duncan be more pro-business, but a smooth functioning Senate is most likely to occur if the person presiding over the Senate is of the same party as the majority of the members.”
Republicans currently hold a sizable majority in the Senate.
Longtime statehouse lobbyist Rusty Paul, now the mayor of Sandy Springs, said it was his long friendship with Shafer that led him to initially support the state senator, donating $3,000 to his campaign. As a Republican who once served in the Georgia Senate, Paul planned to support the party nominee even if it wasn’t his first choice. Paul donated $1,250 to Duncan’s campaign in late August.
“Once the primaries are over and we’re getting ready for the general election, I’ve got to get behind the folks that are on the team that I support, which are the Republican candidates,” he said.
Through the July 24 primary, lobbyists and special-interest groups had donated about $242,000 to Shafer.
Sixty-five of those same lobbyists turned around and donated to Duncan between July 25 and Sept. 30. Only four had donated to Duncan before the runoff.
Duncan campaign spokesman Dan McLagan said the influx of money from former Shafer supporters doesn’t tell the full story of those who donated more than $1.2 million in itemized contributions to the Cumming Republican’s campaign during the recent threemonth reporting period.
“That’s a small part of our fundraising, but it’s a crowd that backs who they think will win,” McLagan said. “Most of our money comes from regular folks who think Geoff should win. Sarah is largely financing her own campaign with some Hollywood and family money. They believe in her, which is nice.”
Amico reported raising more than $246,000 in itemized contributions during the most recent reporting period, amassing more than $757,000 in donations for her campaign. She loaned her race an additional $200,000 during the last reporting period, totaling $676,000 in loans as of Sept. 30 to her campaign — or about 47 percent.
Amico said lending her campaign money gives her the opportunity to get in front of more would-be voters.
After initially cashing in on the national appeal of appearing at the top of the Democratic ticket with Stacey Abrams, who would make history if elected by becoming the first black female governor in the country, out-of-state donations slowed down in the most recent filing period.
About 24 percent of the money raised in itemized donations in the most recent three months came from donors who don’t live in Georgia. Overall, however, Amico’s campaign has gotten almost 42 percent of its donations from out-of-state donors.
About 8.6 percent, or $65,540, of the money Amico raised came from family members named Riggs or Amico, according to campaign disclosures.
“Unlike my opponent, who used $3.28 million of PAC money from undisclosed donors to eke out a victory in his primary, we’re not chasing down out-ofstate dark money,” Amico said. “Also unlike my opponent, I’m not a career politician — we’re creating our fundraising network from scratch as all first-time candidates do.”
During the primary, Duncan benefited from ads and mailers paid for by an out-of-state “independent” group, the Washington-based Hometown Freedom Action Network, which received most of its donations from a PAC called Citizens for a Working America. In July, the organization reported about $3 million in contributions to spend against Shafer.
The group has not filed updated campaign disclosures since the day before the primary.