The Atlanta Journal-Constitution
For minority gun owners, governor’s race tough call
Stacey Abrams’ stances on guns give pause to potential supporters.
Near the outskirts of Atlanta, Robert Patillo slips a round into a rifle, points his barrel toward the sky, and stares off into the distance. His hands steadied and feet planted, he yells out to the skeet range operator. Pull! An orange clay pigeon flies overhead. He squeezes the trigger. Boom! The orange pieces spiral to the ground.
The Harris County native can’t remember a time in his life without guns. He got his first rifle at age 6 and often hunted deer with his father and friends. Guns were always around, normal as college football, normal as a Bible on a nightstand. The black criminal defense lawyer, who owns an AR-15, still cares about gun rights. But as someone planning to vote in Georgia’s gubernatorial election, he also cares about voting rights, criminal justice and economic development — a wide swath of issues affecting minorities statewide.
“I’m undecided at this point,” Patillo said.
In the homestretch of a historic campaign to become the nation’s first black female governor, Atlanta Democrat Stacey Abrams believes her pathway to victory against Athens Republican Brian Kemp is predicated on turning out thousands of minority Georgians to vote. Unlike past statewide Democratic campaigns, which have focused on courting centrist voters, the former House minority leader has banked on persuading infrequent voters — especially voters of color — to cast ballots on Nov. 6. And she’ll likely need heavy support from African-Americans who supported Democratic candidate Jason Carter in his unsuccessful gubernatorial campaign four years ago.
But for some black gun owners, Abrams has complicated their choice at the ballot box. The Democrat, the daughter of a gun owner, has strongly supported gun control measures, including an assault weapons ban and universal background checks. While gun sales fell after Donald Trump was elected president, firearms dealers have anecdotally described an increase in minority customers. And Georgia minority gun owners — increasingly wooed by groups such as the National Rifle Association, known for its alignment with white conservative politicians — have launched black-centered groups such as the Atlanta-based National African American Gun Association, which now has more than 28,000 members in states from Florida to Washington.
Many minority voters believe Abrams can best address issues affecting minority communities such as education, criminal justice and housing. But some Democratic black Georgians who own guns are dismayed she hasn’t followed the tradition of past Democrats running for statewide office who have either supported gun rights — or at least didn’t tout restrictions — on the campaign trail. And some black gun owners who are independent or lean Republican — and who might’ve considered Abrams based on her record of bipartisan collaboration — have felt more obligated to support a Republican candidate who brandishes firearms in ads.
“Those conversations are happening,” said Mark Major, the owner of 2 Swords Tactical and Defense, a firearms dealer in Lithonia. “You have the desire for stronger Second Amendment rights. But you also want to support a black candidate. They may not admit it, but they’re conflicted.”
One of many issues
Douglas Jefferson, vice president of NAAGA, can often be found practicing his shot or organizing meetings at Stoddard’s Range and Guns near Atlantic Station. The Smyrna resident, who works at Hartsfield-Jackson International Airport, doesn’t expect either Abrams or Kemp to align fully with his beliefs. “I’m a single-issue voter — but not gun rights or health care or abortion or education,” Jefferson said. “I’m single-issue in the sense that the policies are going to be most beneficial for the African-American community.”
He disagrees with Abrams on guns. But he leans liberal on most other issues. Because gun control will be a “very hard sell” to Republican state lawmakers, he’s comfortable voting for her knowing that his right to bear arms likely won’t be restricted.
Pat Hugley Green, a Muscogee County school board official who aligns with Abrams on public education, doesn’t see gun ownership being at odds with Abrams’ “common sense” gun proposals such as universal background checks. A mother who bought a handgun to protect her family, she believes that some regulation is a good thing, just like with other parts of life such as driving and fishing. She views Abrams’ gun control positions as ones focused on public safety — not taking away guns — especially when it comes to the repeal of the law allowing guns on public college and university campuses.
Like Green, Austell Marine veteran Colin Mapp says the issues that matter most to him — such as affordable housing and women’s rights — extend beyond either his identity as an African-American or a gun owner. Yet he thinks people must remember the role guns played historically in black Americans protecting themselves against hate groups in the South. And while he doesn’t agree with Abrams on guns, he feels more confident in her inclusive leadership style — and willingness to understand different points of view — than Kemp’s approach.
“Kemp’s ad rubbed me the wrong way,” he said, referring to the one where he pointed a gun at “Jake,” an actor who was trying to date his daughter in the ad. “It had no substance as far as showing who he is as a viable candidate to run a state. His inappropriate handling of the firearm, and the suggestion of using it against someone, distracted me from anything else he said.”
Other rights rooted in gun rights
On a Saturday in early October, Mark Major pulls out a series of guns from inside a safe and conducts a safety check on them. When he’s not at his full-time job, working for Lithonia Lighting, he meets with customers who come in to his store by appointment.
A Michigan native who used to support moderate Democrats, he bought his first two guns — a .38 revolver and a 20-gauge shotgun — shortly after he came to Georgia in the late ‘90s. Since he first delved further into Georgia’s gun culture, the Decatur father has seen the state’s gun culture diversify, particularly with black women who have become a greater proportion of his customers.
And as he’s embraced guns, the self-described “independent” realized his views as an anti-abortion Christian often aligned with Republican politicians in Georgia. Open to conversations about limited gun control measures, he pulled up an Abrams speech on YouTube to hear what she had to say. He’s glad that a black female candidate is running in Georgia. However, Major thinks her views are too ideologically opposed to his. And while he had reservations about Kemp, gun legislation is among the biggest priorities facing Georgians. Kemp is strong on that front, Major said, with an A+ NRA rating.
“There’s a big push to change policies and regulations — and I would have a problem with that,” Major said. “He will keep working to maintain our rights.”
Kemp supporter Michael McNeely, an assistant deputy commissioner with the Georgia Department of Juvenile Justice, believes the right to bear arms underscores the rights of every other issue debated in the Georgia governor’s race. The former police officer feels that the existence of high crime in some minority communities undermines the advancement of issues important to its residents. And a candidate that’s interested in protecting the freedom of minority gun owners — rather than restricting the use of guns — will also move the state forward on those other issues.
“When you talk about gun violence, the focus for conservatives should be on individual behavior and not a broad stroke of limiting gun ownership,” McNeely said. “Kemp understands that if you’re a responsible gun owner, you should be able to carry the firearm in more places — including those that Stacey Abrams is opposed to.”
Opportunities in middle ground
Keith MacCants, a former Oglethorpe city councilman, hasn’t fully decided whether he’ll vote for Abrams or Kemp. He’s an avid gun rights supporter who loves hunting. But Second Amendment issues will take a back seat to each candidates’ stances on rural hospitals, broadband access and other issues affecting central Georgia.
One reason: Both candidates’ campaign promises on gun rights have been clouded by misleading ads. MacCants points to pro-gun groups that have targeted Abrams with attack ads. A one-minute ad paid for by Georgia Gun Owners claimed that she would “ban, confiscate (and) destroy” assault weapons. In a pro-Abrams spot, one of her supporters said that “Brian Kemp pointed a gun at a teenager” in the ad with his daughter’s suitor.
“I know better than to hear the talk about Abrams — I know she’s not going to take the guns away,” MacCants said. “That’d be political suicide. All that talk is hot air. I know better.”
Cutting through the noise, Patillo thinks Abrams could win over more gun owners if she moderated her stance on gun control measures. Similarly, he believes “there’s a space” for Kemp to persuade some black Georgians to vote Republican if he spoke directly to their communities about gun rights, religious freedom, low taxes and less regulation. They’re missing the middle — where Patillo and others stand — on the swath of issues, including guns, he values matter most.
“They’re appealing to the far fringes,” Patillo said. “Special interests on the far left and right reflect that messaging. I’ll vote for a candidate with a plan that addresses my needs and interests. They’ll have to win my vote.”