The Atlanta Journal-Constitution

Latino voters not easily categorize­d

- ByLisaGarc­íaBedolla Lisa García Bedolla is vice provost forgraduat­e studies and dean of the graduate division and professoro­f education at the University of California, Berkeley. This piece originally appeared in The Conversati­on, a nonprofit news source

Pundits are expressing surprise that so many Latinos voted for Donald Trump.

But pollsters who specialize in the Latino vote knew for months before the election that Latino support for Biden was soft, with many Latinos — especially in Florida — undecided. In Florida, 57% of Latinos ultimately supported Biden, compared to roughly 70% nationwide.

These numbers are reliable because they come from exit polls designed to capture Latino political preference­s. National exit polls have been mostly wrong about Latino voting patterns since they first began including Latinos in the 1980s.

The 60.6 million Americans lumped under the umbrella term “Latino” are a racially, ethnically and geographic­ally diverse group, as my research on Latino identity shows. And they have equally diverse political opinions.

Florida: Not just Cubans

Latino-focused tracking polls from Equis Research conducted in May showed that Latino support for Trump ranged widely, from 15% in Wisconsin to 31% in Florida.

Latino voting patterns in Florida are heavily influenced by Cuban Americans. About three-fifths of Florida’s 1.4 million eligible Cuban American voters identify as Republican­s.

Cubans arrived in the U.S. fleeing Fidel Castro’s communist regime, giving them a strong antipathy toward anything labeled socialism. Ronald Reagan was the first presidenti­al candidate to travel to Florida and appeal directly to this community, in 1980, winning them over with a strong anti-communist message.

This year, Trump capitalize­d on Cuban Americans’ gutlevel fear of communism in his Latino advertisin­g in Florida, claiming Joe Biden would bring socialism to the U.S.

“This idea that every Democrat is now socialist … we know it to be false,” Randy Pestana, a researcher at Florida Internatio­nal University, told CBS Miami. “But in these communitie­s that have actually lived through socialism, like in Cuba and Venezuela and Nicaragua, it has a personal effect on how you and your family will vote.”

Cubans make up only about 29% of Florida’s eligible Latino voters. Florida has long been home to a large Puerto Rican population, whose numbers only grew after Hurricane Maria in 2017; Puerto Ricans now make up 27% of Florida’s Latino vote. Mexicans are 10%. Venezuelan­s, too, have flocked to Florida in recent years.

Today, Florida Latinos are split in terms of partisansh­ip. About 26% are registered Republican­s and 38% are Democrats. Another 36% have no party preference.

In other words, “the Latino vote” in Florida has complex and shifting party attachment­s. That said, the Miamiarea

Latino political culture is still strongly influenced by the media environmen­t that Cubans built there over the past six decades.

This year, a large-scale disinforma­tion campaign targeted Florida’s Latino voters. On the radio, WhatsApp and Facebook, baseless conspiracy theories about the “deep state” and Biden’s supposed plans for America were shared widely — and seemed to have some effect on voters.

Arizona’s varied views

In contrast, Joe Biden’s narrow win in Arizona is thanks in large part to Latinos. About 70% of them voted Democratic, pushing Biden over Trump by just a few thousand votes and gaining the Democrats a Senate seat with the election of former astronaut Mark Kelly.

Arizona, like Florida, has long been a conservati­ve stronghold, home to large numbers of “snowbirds” — older people drawn to the warm climate. Arizona Latinos are changing that. Most are of Mexican descent.

Mexican Americans are the United States’ largest Latino group. Arizona was actually part of Mexico until 1848, so some Latino families there were Mexican before they were Mexican American. Others migrated more recently.

These Latinos live a different political reality than the Cubans of Florida. In 2010, Arizona passed SB 1070, requiring local law enforcemen­t to enforce federal immigratio­n policy by checking the immigratio­n status of anyone they had a “reasonable suspicion” of being undocument­ed. Latinos, predictabl­y, became the targets of aggressive policing.

The discrimina­tory effects of SB 1070 led to an upsurge in Latino youth organizing. This decade-long mobilizati­on eventually led to the ouster of Maricopa County’s notoriousl­y anti-immigrant sheriff, Joe Arpaio, who had a well-documented friendship with Trump. And it put Arizona in play for Democrats this year.

Biden’s team did not focus on Latino outreach in Arizona until the last weeks of the campaign. But young, U.S.born Latinos were politicall­y engaged there anyway, because of their sustained political organizing since SB 1070. Latino-led organizati­ons like LUCHA turned Arizona Latinos out for Biden in droves.

Florida and Arizona clarify some major difference­s among

Latinos in the U.S., and how that affects their politics.

The race, gender, class and age of U.S. Latinos also influences their political leanings and levels of incorporat­ion into politics. So do the places they live, the opportunit­ies available to them, how they are treated under U.S. immigratio­n policy — indeed, whether they are immigrants at all.

‘Mariachi politics’

If political parties want Latinos’ support, it would require culturally competent outreach that speaks to their real lives and everyday experience­s. Instead, campaigns generally settle for Spanish-language television ads — even though the majority of Latino eligible voters speak English as their main language.

These ads are much more likely to be symbolic than substantiv­e, research by political scientist Marisa Abrajano shows. Campaigns use cultural symbols like traditiona­l Mexican music or tacos to connect with Latino voters rather than presenting concrete policy proposals about issues they care about, whether that’s health care, immigratio­n policy or the economy.

I call this “mariachi politics.” In Florida, it might be called “cafecito politics,” a reference to Cubans’ tendency to argue politics over coffee. Both Republican­s and Democrats do this every electoral cycle, 2020 included, homogenizi­ng and flattening what are complex population­s.

Pollsters do the same thing, which is why they keep getting Latinos wrong.

 ?? LMOTERO/AP ?? Asign inboth English and Spanish directs voters to a polling location during early voting in Dallas. Campaigns generally air Spanishlan­guage ads to lure Latino voters, even though the majority of Latino eligible voters speak English as their main language.
LMOTERO/AP Asign inboth English and Spanish directs voters to a polling location during early voting in Dallas. Campaigns generally air Spanishlan­guage ads to lure Latino voters, even though the majority of Latino eligible voters speak English as their main language.
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Bedolla

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