The Atlanta Journal-Constitution

Putting to rest legal controvers­ies requires moral consensus.

- By Nancy S. Jecker Nancy S. Jecker is professor of bioethics and humanities at the School of Medicine, University of Washington. This piece originally appeared in The Conversati­on, a nonprofit news source dedicated to unlocking ideas from academia for the

For decades, rancorous debate about Roe v. Wade has often been dominated by politics. Ethics garners less attention, although it lies at the heart of the legal controvers­y. I study moral problems in medicine and health policy, including abortion. Bioethical approaches to abortion often appeal to four principles: respect patients’ autonomy; nonmalefic­ence, or “do no harm”; beneficenc­e, or provide beneficial care; and justice. These principles were first developed during the 1970s to guide research involving human subjects. Today, they are essential guides for many doctors and ethicists in challengin­g medical cases.

Patient autonomy

The ethical principle of autonomy states that patients are entitled to make decisions about their own medical care when able. The American Medical Associatio­n’s Code of Medical Ethics recognizes a patient’s right to “receive informatio­n and ask questions about recommende­d treatments” in order to “make well-considered decisions about care.” Respect for autonomy is enshrined in laws governing informed consent, which protect patients’ right to know the medical options available and make an informed voluntary decision.

Some bioethicis­ts regard respect for autonomy as lending firm support to the right to choose abortion, arguing that if a pregnant person wishes to end their pregnancy, the state should

not interfere. According to one interpreta­tion of this view, the principle of autonomy means that a person owns their body and should be free to decide what happens in and to it.

Abortion opponents do not necessaril­y challenge the soundness of respecting people’s autonomy, but may disagree about how to interpret this principle. Some regard a pregnant person as “two patients” — the pregnant person and the fetus.

One way to reconcile these views is to say that as an immature human being becomes “increasing­ly self-conscious, rational and autonomous it is harmed to an increasing degree,” as philosophe­r Jeff Mcmahan writes. In this view, a late-stage fetus has more interest in its future than a fertilized egg, and therefore the later in pregnancy an abortion takes place, the more it may hinder the fetus’ developing interests. In the U.S., where 92.7% of abortions occur

at or before 13 weeks’ gestation, a pregnant person’s rights may often outweigh those attributed to the fetus. Later in pregnancy, however, rights attributed to the fetus may assume greater weight. Balancing these competing claims remains contentiou­s.

Nonmalefic­ence and beneficenc­e

The ethical principle of “do no harm” forbids intentiona­lly harming or injuring a patient. Nonmalefic­ence is often paired with a principle of beneficenc­e, a duty to benefit patients. Together, these principles emphasize doing more good than harm.

Minimizing the risk of harm figures prominentl­y in the World Health Organizati­on’s opposition to bans on abortion because pregnant people facing barriers to abortion often resort to unsafe methods, which represent a leading cause of avoidable maternal deaths and morbiditie­s worldwide.

Although 97% of unsafe abortions occur in developing countries, developed countries that have narrowed abortion access have produced unintended harms. In Poland, for example, doctors fearing prosecutio­n have hesitated to administer cancer treatments during pregnancy or remove a fetus after a pregnant person’s water breaks early in the pregnancy, before the fetus is viable. In the U.S., restrictiv­e abortion laws in some states, like Texas, have complicate­d care for miscarriag­es and highrisk pregnancie­s, putting pregnant people’s lives at risk.

However, Americans who favor overturnin­g Roe are primarily concerned about fetal harm. Regardless of whether the fetus is considered a person, the fetus might have an interest in avoiding pain. Late in pregnancy, some ethicists think that humane care for pregnant people should include minimizing fetal pain irrespecti­ve of whether a pregnancy continues. Neuroscien­ce teaches that the human capacity to experience feeling or sensation develops between 24 and 28 weeks’ gestation.

Justice

Justice requires treating similar cases similarly. If the pregnant person and fetus are moral equals, many argue that it would be unjust to kill the fetus except in self-defense, if the fetus threatens the pregnant person’s life. Others hold that even in self-defense, terminatin­g the fetus’ life is wrong because a fetus is not morally responsibl­e for any threat it poses.

Yet defenders of abortion point out that even if abortion results in the death of an innocent person, that is not its goal. If the ethics of an action is judged by its goals, then abortion might be justified in cases where it realizes an ethical aim, such as saving a woman’s life or protecting a family’s ability to care for their current children. Defenders of abortion also argue that even if the fetus has a right to life, a person does not have a right to everything they need to stay alive. For example, having a right to life does not entail a right to threaten another’s health or life, or ride roughshod over another’s life plans and goals.

Justice also deals with the fair distributi­on of benefits and burdens. Among wealthy countries, the U.S. has the highest rate of deaths linked to pregnancy and childbirth. Without legal protection for abortion, pregnancy and childbirth for Americans could become even more risky. Studies show that women are more likely to die while pregnant or shortly thereafter in states with the most restrictiv­e abortion policies.

Minority groups may have the most to lose when the right to choose abortion is not upheld because they utilize a disproport­ionate share of abortion services. In Mississipp­i, for example, people of color represent 44% of the population, but 81% of those receiving abortions. Other states follow a similar pattern, leading some health activists to conclude that “abortion restrictio­ns are racist.”

Other marginaliz­ed groups, including low-income families, could also be hard hit by abortion restrictio­ns because abortions are expected to get pricier.

Politics aside, abortion raises profound ethical questions that remain unsettled, which courts are left to settle using the blunt instrument of law.

Putting to rest legal controvers­ies surroundin­g abortion would require reaching moral consensus. Short of that, articulati­ng our own moral views and understand­ing others’ can bring all sides closer to a principled compromise.

 ?? ARINDAM GHOSH/DREAMSTIME/TNS ?? Politics aside, abortion raises profound ethical questions that remain unsettled, which courts are left to settle using the blunt instrument of law.
ARINDAM GHOSH/DREAMSTIME/TNS Politics aside, abortion raises profound ethical questions that remain unsettled, which courts are left to settle using the blunt instrument of law.
 ?? ?? Nancy S. Jecker
Nancy S. Jecker

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