The Bakersfield Californian

New law cracks down on shell companies to combat corruption

- BY JOSHUA GOODMAN

MIAMI — For years as a federal prosecutor in New York, Daniel R. Alonso led teams that had to search through a maze of anonymousl­y owned corporate entities to expose criminal activity.

“It required all kinds of shoe-leather investigat­ing to identify who was really behind these shell companies,” recalled Alonso. “You’d have to subpoena bank records and lawyers, as well as human sources, and even then you frequently hit a dead end.”

Now, thanks to a watershed overhaul of U.S. money laundering laws, locating the proceeds from foreign bribery, drug traffickin­g and financing for terrorists could be as easy as a few keystrokes.

The new legislatio­n quietly passed by Congress last month after a decade-long fight is the most sweeping banking reform of its kind since passage of the Patriot Act, in the aftermath of the Sept. 11, 2001, terrorist attacks.

For the first time, shell companies will be required to provide the names of their owners or face stiff penalties and jail sentences. The informatio­n will be stored in a confidenti­al database accessible to federal law enforcemen­t and shared with banks who are often unwitting accomplice­s to internatio­nal corruption.

“It’s not an overstatem­ent that this law is a game changer in some serious ways,” said Alonso, who is now in private practice advising clients on foreign corruption and anti-money laundering issues.

The Corporate Transparen­cy Act was tucked into a defense spending bill first vetoed by President Donald Trump and then overridden by Congress on New Year’s Day.

It was introduced by Rep. Carolyn Maloney, a New York Democrat, in 2010 and early on faced opposition from banks and business groups worried about red tape as well as states such as Delaware and Wyoming, which reap important revenues from the registrati­on every year in the U.S. of nearly 2 million corporatio­ns and limited liability companies.

But a string of internatio­nal financial scandals involving soccer’s governing body FIFA and the 1MDB developmen­t bank from Malaysia, as well as the leaking of the so-called Panama Papers, eventually softened criticism by revealing the prominent role played by secretive shell companies in hiding the proceeds from illicit activity.

The U.S. financial system — the world’s largest and most stable — has long been a magnet for dirty money. But the tools to prevent abuse by bad actors haven’t kept pace with technology and a proliferat­ion of instant, online transactio­ns across borders.

The new law seeks to strengthen controls by creating a registry managed by the Treasury Department that will contain the names of the true owners of both domestical­ly-created shell companies as well as foreign ones conducting business in the U.S.

Creating a shell company in states like Delaware requires little more than a payment of a $90 fee and a one-page letter listing the entity’s the name, P.O. Box and a registered agent who is frequently a law firm dedicated to churning out companies in bulk. The true owners are rarely listed, their identities hidden under a web of subsidiari­es. But once created, the entities can be used to purchase legitimate assets, such as real estate, using ill-gotten funds furtively transferre­d into a U.S. bank account.

One such Delaware-based company, Essential Consultant­s LLC, was used by Trump’s former personal attorney, Michael Cohen, to conceal hush money payments to porn star Stormy Daniels. Others registered in the state have been tied to corrupt military officers in Venezuela, drug traffickin­g guerrillas from Colombia and former Zimbabwean dictator Robert Mugabe.

“Congress was late to acknowledg­e that secrecy is alive and well in the United States,” said David P. Weber, a former U.S. Treasury investigat­or who was one of two experts to review the Panama Papers before publicatio­n. He now is a forensic accounting professor at Salisbury University in Maryland. “Kleptocrat­s and corrupt foreign officials did not need secret bank accounts in Switzerlan­d. They were right here.”

Less touted, the law also dramatical­ly expands awards for whistleblo­wers. Specifical­ly, individual­s who come forward with evidence of financial malfeasanc­e are entitled to receive up to 30% of money seized by the Treasury or Justice Department­s when their informatio­n leads to successful law enforcemen­t actions. Previously, awards were capped at $150,000.

“This could end up being the secret sauce,” said Michael Nadler, a recently retired federal prosecutor in Miami who has brought charges against dozens of corrupt Venezuelan officials. “It has the potential to weaponize low-ranking company officers who have access to sensitive client informatio­n and see criminal behavior.”

The Justice Department will also have expanded powers to demand foreign bank account records when they suspect criminal activity. And the law also extends oversight to the trade in high-value antiquitie­s. Expensive artwork — a frequent vehicle to hide the proceeds of corruption — may also be brought within the reach of anti-money laundering laws pending a study the government must produce within a year.

While it may take some time for the law’s impact to be felt, experts believe it will drive away from the U.S. some of the dirty money from abroad that has driven up real estate prices in major cities like New York, Miami and Los Angeles.

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