The Boston Globe

Supreme Court returns to unfinished business

Justices to face difficult docket, abortion case

- By Adam Liptak and Abbie VanSickle

WASHINGTON — When the Supreme Court returns to the bench Monday, it will face a docket filled with unfinished business. The justices will revisit issues such as gun rights, government power, race, and free speech even as they are shadowed by intense scrutiny of their conduct off the bench.

In the coming months, moreover, the court is very likely to agree to hear a major abortion case, one that could severely limit the availabili­ty of a drug used in more than half of all pregnancy terminatio­ns. A decision in that case could come in June, two years after the court overturned Roe v. Wade.

Recent history suggests that the court’s six Republican appointees will continue to move the law to the right. The main questions are how far, how fast, and what impact the questions swirling around the justices’ ethical standards will have on their judicial work and personal relationsh­ips.

It has been almost three years since Justice Amy Coney Barrett joined the court, creating a six-justice conservati­ve supermajor­ity. In her first full term, ending in June 2022, that majority ran the table in blockbuste­r cases on abortion, guns, the environmen­t, and religion.

The most recent term, which ended this past summer, also featured significan­t conservati­ve victories on affirmativ­e action, student loans, and gay rights. But the balance of the court’s decisions presented a more complicate­d picture, featuring occasional liberal victories from unusual alliances.

“The question for this term is whether last term’s voting behavior will hold or whether the court will snap back to a 6-3 court,” said Irv Gornstein, executive director of Georgetown’s Supreme Court Institute.

The new term will test Chief Justice John Roberts’s ability to steer his court toward the sort of incrementa­lism he has long espoused, perhaps in alliances with Barrett and Justice Brett Kavanaugh. If liberals achieve some victories, though, those may come because litigants and lower courts had staked out positions too extreme for even a fundamenta­lly conservati­ve Supreme Court.

A Second Amendment case, to be argued in November, could be an example of such potential overreach. The case, United States v. Rahimi, No. 22-915, is an appeal from a decision striking down a federal law that disarms people subject to domestic violence restrainin­g orders.

The appeals court, relying on a transforma­tive Supreme Court ruling last year that required the government to identify historical analogs to justify laws limiting gun rights, said there was no comparable historical practice.

The Supreme Court’s ruling will have sweeping consequenc­es, said Joseph Blocher, a law professor at Duke University.

“Courts have really struggled to find meaningful historical guidance about the constituti­onality of modern gun laws like those regulating high-capacity magazines or guns on the subway,” he said. “Rahimi gives the justices a chance to clarify that analogizin­g from history isn’t a recipe for anachronis­m.”

The coming term could also take large strides toward achieving a long-sought goal of the conservati­ve legal movement: stripping administra­tive agencies of the power to regulate.

“This term’s administra­tive law cases present an existentia­l question,” said Kate Shaw, a professor at the Benjamin N. Cardozo School of Law. “Will our government retain the power and capacity to respond to the most pressing issues of our time? Or will the court continue to incapacita­te the administra­tive state, limiting its authority and substituti­ng the court’s own views and preference­s for those of expert agencies?”

The term may also illuminate how far the court is willing to go in curtailing access to abortion. After the court eliminated the constituti­onal right to abortion, a coalition of anti-abortion doctors and organizati­ons challenged the Food and Drug Administra­tion’s approval more than two decades ago of an abortion pill.

At stake is the availabili­ty of the pill mifepristo­ne, which more than 5 million women in the United States have used to terminate their pregnancie­s, although the outcome could also undermine the agency’s authority to approve and regulate other drugs.

In the term that ended in June, a closely divided court, in a surprise decision, ruled that Alabama had diluted the power of Black voters in drawing a congressio­nal voting map, reaffirmin­g part of a landmark civil rights law that had been thought to be in danger. On Oct. 11, the court will turn to a related question: whether a congressio­nal voting district in South Carolina should be restored after a lower court struck it down as an unconstitu­tional racial gerrymande­r.

Last term, the court largely sidesteppe­d cases concerning what responsibi­lity tech companies should have for what their users post on their sites.

In the new term, the justices will again confront the intersecti­on of free speech and technology, including one case that sets up a major showdown over the First Amendment. On Friday, the court agreed to hear appeals on whether the Constituti­on allows Florida and Texas to prevent large social media companies from removing posts based on the views they express.

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