The Boston Globe

Bernie Sanders’s foreign policy ‘revolution’ is a string of leftist clichés

- Jeff Jacoby can be reached at jeff.jacoby@globe.com. Follow him @jeff_jacoby. To subscribe to Arguable, his weekly newsletter, visit globe.com/ arguable.

This week Foreign Affairs published a 2,800-word essay by Bernie Sanders, the US senator from Vermont whose campaigns for president in 2016 and 2020, though unsuccessf­ul, attracted wide interest and support. Sanders calls himself a democratic socialist and his essay, titled “A Revolution in American Foreign Policy,” faithfully reflects the far-left worldview he has always embraced.

That worldview is easily summarized: Most of what is bad in world affairs can be blamed on the United States, and especially on American corporatio­ns and billionair­es. Sanders sees US foreign policy as fundamenta­lly “disastrous,” a word he uses repeatedly in his essay. “For many decades, there has been a ‘bipartisan consensus’ on foreign affairs,” Sanders writes in his opening paragraph. “Tragically, that consensus has almost always been wrong.”

The 82-year-old Sanders regards America’s global record since World War II as an almost unrelieved litany of failure. “It’s easy to see that the rhetoric and decisions of leaders in both major parties are frequently guided not by respect for democracy or human rights but militarism, groupthink, and the greed and power of corporate interests,” he declares.

From Sanders’s perspectiv­e, America went wrong with the Cold War. What President John F. Kennedy described as “a long twilight struggle” to defend liberty from a Soviet empire bent on global repression, the Vermont senator sees as America’s “shameful track record” of propping up anticommun­ist dictators, fighting unwinnable wars, and backing military coups in countries like Iran and Guatemala. In Southeast Asia, “the United States lost a war that never should have been fought,” he fumes, making no connection between the eventual departure of US forces and the horrors imposed by the Communist regimes that subsequent­ly took control. In Eastern Europe, America’s victory in the Cold

War opened the door to freedom, democracy, prosperity, and grateful alliance with the West. To that victory, the greatest US foreign policy success in the second half of the 20th century, Sanders doesn’t even allude.

He likewise pours out his scorn on the US policies that followed the 9/11 terrorist attacks. Reasonable people certainly found much to debate about the global war on terror and the conflicts in Afghanista­n and Iraq. It would be interestin­g to know how Sanders thinks the United States should have responded to the murderous threat posed by radical jihadists of Al Qaeda and the Taliban. But he doesn’t say. Should Saddam Hussein, one of the world’s cruelest dictators, have been left in power? He doesn’t say. What does Sanders recommend regarding

Iran, which is ruled by a regime implacable in its pursuit of nuclear weapons, its sponsorshi­p of regional terror networks, and its hatred of the United States? He doesn’t say.

Throughout his essay, Sanders is voluble on the subject of what American foreign policy makers have gotten wrong, yet almost wholly silent when it comes to explaining how they could have gotten it right.

He is no more illuminati­ng on today’s internatio­nal crises. He devotes a single boilerplat­e sentence to Russia’s savage war against Ukraine: “Like a majority of Americans, I believe it is in the vital interest of the United States and the internatio­nal community to fight off Russian President Vladimir Putin’s illegal invasion of Ukraine.” But after that throatclea­ring, he focuses on the real villain — the “many defense contractor­s” that see the war in Ukraine “primarily as a way to line their own pockets.” Sanders rails at length about how much Raytheon charges for its Stinger missiles and the “recordbrea­king profits” earned by weapons manufactur­ers. Those profits clearly infuriate him far more than Putin’s slaughter.

He offers a similar bait-andswitch on China. “The United States can and should hold China accountabl­e for its human rights violations,” Sanders writes. What follows, however, is not Sanders’s plan for promoting liberty in China but an extended denunciati­on of human rights abuses in Saudi Arabia. There is no question that the record of the Saudi regime is appalling. But Sanders’s lopsided outrage reflects a theme that runs throughout his essay: The government­s he denounces most heatedly are those that ally themselves with the United States.

When all is said and done, the foreign policy “revolution” Sanders advocates is merely a tired recapitula­tion of leftist naysaying and eat-the-rich socialist clichés. He calls for unspecifie­d “long-term efforts to build a world order based on internatio­nal law” and “ensur[ing] that all countries are held to the same standards on human rights.” Lovely words, devoid of substance.

Over the years, Foreign Affairs has published articles of paradigm-shifting importance — George Kennan’s “X Article” in 1947, for example, or Samuel Huntington’s influentia­l “The Clash of Civilizati­ons.” What Sanders has written will shift nothing. It is mere preaching to the choir, convincing only to those who already believe.

 ?? CHIP SOMODEVILL­A/GETTY IMAGES ?? Bernie Sanders questions witnesses during a hearing about working hours on Capitol Hill on March 14, 2024 in Washington, DC.
CHIP SOMODEVILL­A/GETTY IMAGES Bernie Sanders questions witnesses during a hearing about working hours on Capitol Hill on March 14, 2024 in Washington, DC.

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