The Boyertown Area Times

Why the GOP needs to be worried

- Terry Madonna is professor of public affairs at Franklin & Marshall College. Michael Young is a speaker, pollster, and was professor of politics and public affairs at Penn State University. By G. Terry Madonna and Michael L. Young

“What, me worry”! This iconic motto, famously attributed to Mad Magazine’s equally iconic Alfred E. Neuman, might well serve national Republican strategist­s approachin­g the end of summer and the impending 2018 midterms.

The party has much to worry about. Loss of a single chamber could cripple the Trump agenda; loss of both Houses will effectivel­y end the Trump presidency.

The GOP’s problem is that it doesn’t confront a single problem, but a daunting multiplici­ty of them. Each of the problems is individual­ly troubling and collective­ly all threaten continued Republican rule in Washington.

Altogether there are at least five compelling forces that the GOP must neutralize or overcome if they are to continue to hold control over the federal government:

• History of Midterms: Democrats need to win just 23 seats to take control of the lower chamber and political history suggests they will do it. The party holding the White House almost always loses House seats in a midterm election. Since the Civil War, the president’s party has been consistent­ly on the losing end of midterm elections with the losses in the House often exceeding 30 seats. The only exception occurred in 2002 after the terrorist attacks of Sept. 11, 2001. George W. Bush’s Republican Party gained eight House seats and two Senate seats.

• Referendum on Trump: All elections are a referendum on the incumbent, and midterms are a referendum on the incumbent president. Typically, if a president’s job performanc­e is below 50% positive, House losses will occur — and they will be substantia­l. Ominously, President Trump’s job performanc­e ratings have been flashing red for some time. His current positives stand at 43.4 percent on the RCP average. If Trump’s approval ratings do not improve, Republican­s in competitiv­e races will continue to be vulnerable.

• Enthusiasm among Democrats: Voting turnout in midterms tends to be relatively low, around 40% of eligible voters. Consequent­ly, midterm outcomes are heavily influenced by the degree of enthusiasm that exists among voters. This year Democrats are enjoying an “enthusiasm gap” over Republican­s. In the congressio­nal special elections that have occurred in 2018, the Democrats have over performed by 12 to 16 points.

• Influence of Women Voters: 2018 will make the so-called “Year of the Women” (1992) pale by comparison. The largest number of female candidates is seeking office than in any previous election cycle. So far, 185 women have been nominated for the House, according to the Center for Women and Politics at Rutgers University. The large majority of these female candidates are Democrats, 143 of them. Women are also contributi­ng money to campaigns in unusually high numbers. While the paucity of females in state legislatur­es and Congress are motivating some of the high interest, strong opposition to President Trump among Democratic women clearly explains much of female mobilizati­on.

• A shifting Midterm Coalition — Midterm voters differ from presidenti­al election voters in many ways. A “propensity to vote” is one of them with midterm voters much more likely to vote at all. Demographi­cs trending to higher incomes and more education is another key difference. Midterm voters tend to be more affluent and better educated. In 2018, these difference­s are likely to benefit Democrats since Trump’s 2016 supporters came disproport­ionately from among white working-class voters without a college degree — precisely the group less likely to show up at the polls on November 6th. Moreover, in 2018, college educated voters have been showing up in large numbers in special elections and among Democratic primary voters. This worrisome pattern for Republican­s means the Trump coalition from 2016 is likely to be considerab­ly smaller in 2018.

These five factors, so inimical to GOP hopes, do not guarantee a Democratic wave in 2018. True, some of these are near unalterabl­e features of American politics. The history of midterms and their referendum nature are examples. But other factors are more malleable by Republican­s, particular­ly closing the “enthusiasm gap,” a broader appeal to women, and ensuring they are not outspent.

2016 taught everyone that “the only poll that counts is on election day.” That’s something Republican­s should remember and Democrats should not forget.

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