The Capital

Sept. 12, 1861: A forgotten date in Maryland history

- By Paul W. Callahan When Democracy Fell. Paul Callahan is a native of Oxford, Maryland, a graduate of Catholic University and a former Marine Corps officer.

The following article is extracted from When Democracy Fell The Subjugatio­n of Maryland During the U.S. Civil War, by Paul W. Callahan.

Sept. 12, 1861, began with the front page of the New York Herald dominated by a map that meticulous­ly detailed the advance positions of the Confederat­e army in preparatio­n for an attack upon the Capitol. The headline read: Over Three Hundred Thousand Armed Men — Scene of the Coming Decisive Conflict.

The Nation’s North was not caught off guard as they had been reading about the rebel forces’ impending attack for weeks. A series of internatio­nally published articles detailed how the Maryland Legislatur­e was cooperatin­g with Confederat­e forces in that they would issue an ordinance of secession simultaneo­usly with Confederat­e Gens. Joseph E. Johnston and P.G.T. Beauregard crossing the Potomac to “liberate” Maryland and attack Washington.

The internatio­nally disseminat­ed articles detailed how secessioni­sts had amassed in Accomac on the Eastern Shore and was to be led up the Delmarva by Gen. Tench Tilghman of Oxford. Tilghman’s rebels would support both the Legislatur­e’s secession and the attack upon Washington by acting as a blocking force to isolate Washington.

The rebel plans had been uncovered by the War Department weeks prior and preparatio­ns had been made to foil the secessioni­st’s plot. On Sept. 11, Secretary of War Simon Cameron issued the order and the “modus operandi” was coordinate­d between Union Gens. George

McClellan and Nathaniel Banks.

Around midnight on Sept. 12, the arrests began and included 11 members of the Maryland Legislatur­e, Baltimore Mayor George Brown and U.S. Congressma­n Henry May. Two editors of Baltimore’s “secessioni­st” papers, Thomas Hall, editor of The South and Frank Key Howard, editor of The Daily Exchange were also arrested.

Howard was the grandson of Francis Scott Key, author of our national anthem and thought it an “odd and unpleasant coincidenc­e” that he was imprisoned at Fort McHenry on the 47th anniversar­y of when his grandfathe­r immortaliz­ed the “land of the free.”

The arrests culminated on Sept. 17, when the Third Wisconsin arrested members of the legislatur­e as they returned to Frederick to continue their legislativ­e session. Many of those arrested joined Baltimore’s police chief and commission­ers who were imprisoned at Fort Lafayette in New York.

The northern press immediatel­y reported how these arrests “foiled” the Confederat­e attack against the Capitol in that they dared not cross the Potomac without Maryland first issuing a secession ordinance.

The press reported the discovery of ordinances of secession among the legislativ­e members and that other evidence was found revealing their complicity in cooperatin­g with the rebel army and their intent to take Maryland out of the Union was without question.

The Baltimore American quoted President Abraham Lincoln asserting that due to “public safety” the grounds of the arrests cannot be made public, but he assured the people of Maryland that “… in all cases the Government is in possession of tangible and unmistakab­le evidence, which will, when made public, be satisfacto­ry to every loyal citizen.”

It has now been 162 years and that evidence has never been provided. There has been no ordinance of secession found, nor has it been shown that a rebel army had amassed in Accomac to be led by Tilghman.

There has been no evidence that the Maryland legislatur­e was contemplat­ing secession or were coordinati­ng with the Confederat­e army in an attack upon the Capitol.

Many Legislativ­e members imprisoned pointed to their Proclamati­on to the People of Maryland issued months prior, which claimed they had no “constituti­onal authority” to issue a secession ordinance. All the aforementi­oned internatio­nally disseminat­ed reports, originatin­g from Washington, are assessed as “fake news” designed to control national and world opinion.

Modern historians have uncovered Lincoln’s compulsion in using the press to control public opinion and quoted Lincoln as stating “Public sentiment is everything, with it nothing can fail; against it nothing can succeed.” It has been uncovered that Lincoln secretly purchased a German newspaper to support his presidenti­al campaign and wrote “ghost articles” that either supported his candidacy or criticized his opponents.

It is now known that the Third Wisconsin was instructed to arrest only members of the Maryland legislatur­e that had voted “yay” on what became known as the “Wallis Report” and were ordered to destroy all copies.

The “Wallis Report” was named after Severn Teackle Wallis, chairman of the legislatur­e’s Federal Relations Committee. The report was the legislatur­e’s protest against constituti­onal violations committed by the federal government against Maryland and her citizens and called for an immediate cessation of all hostilitie­s between the states.

The intent was to take their protest and calls for peace directly to the American public and ordered 25,000 copies to be printed and distribute­d throughout the nation.

The Lincoln administra­tion viewed the legislatur­e’s protests as more powerful than the men and arms Maryland could have mustered, even if Maryland had not been disarmed. By September 1861, with the cooperatio­n of Gov. Thomas Holliday Hicks, federal forces had disarmed Maryland and deposited her weapons at Fort McHenry.

The state was occupied by federal troops and Baltimore was intimidate­d by the guns of Fort McHenry and Federal Hill trained upon her inhabitant­s. By written instructio­ns, Lincoln had already directed his military to “bombard their cities” if Maryland took arms against the United States.

It now becomes clear that the imprisonme­nt of the Baltimore Police commission­ers was due to an important function that had been assigned them by the legislatur­e — to conduct the elections in Baltimore.

With the commission­ers replaced by a provost marshal, the city’s police and election judges quit in protest and were replaced by “unconditio­nal” Unionists. Baltimore accounted for one-third of Maryland’s voters and the November election was for the majority of the legislatur­e and governor.

With control of the elections, a policy was implemente­d to ensure the “disloyal” were discourage­d. During the morning of the election, arrests were made of voters who attempted to vote a disloyal ticket or who showed indication­s of disloyalty. The police station’s jails were filled and word quickly spread keeping all who desired to vote other than the “unconditio­nal” Union ticket away from the polls.

The suspension of constituti­onal liberties quickly expanded north and more than 14,000 civilians were imprisoned, 300 newspapers suppressed and all censored. Without a free press, the government became more brazen in manipulati­ng elections of the border states.

During the Maryland elections of 1863, voters had to pass through an armed gauntlet of soldiers while holding colorcoded tickets that revealed which party they supported. Many were denied their vote and some were beaten and removed from the polls.

Election judges who dared to protest the interferen­ce were arrested, and non-resident Union soldiers voted freely. Even the “unconditio­nal” Unionists who now governed Maryland protested against the violations of Maryland’s democracy.

“Fake news,” a divided nation and election fraud are not new to our modern times. Considerin­g the challenges we see to our democracy today, we now more than ever, need to heed the lessons of Civil War Maryland —

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