The Columbus Dispatch

Bipartisan approach could rescue health care reform

- CARL LEUBSDORF Carl P. Leubsdorf is a columnist for The Dallas Morning News. carl.p.leubsdorf@gmail.com

One of Barack Obama’s principal arguments in seeking the presidency was that his stance as an outsider uninvolved in past Washington battles would enable him to break through the capital’s pervasive partisansh­ip.

But the neophyte president actually achieved his principal legislativ­e success by hiring experience­d Washington operatives who joined with veteran congressio­nal Democrats in passing health-care legislatio­n.

After Republican­s captured the House in 2010 and Senate GOP leader Mitch McConnell vowed to prevent Obama’s re-election, gridlock reasserted itself. That helped Donald Trump, even more of an outsider than Obama, sell the notion that his nonpolitic­al background and business experience could make Washington work again.

But Trump has proved so unknowledg­eable and inexperien­ced, and his White House so inept, that he is damaging rather than helping achieve stated Republican goals. In the process, he’s giving inexperien­ce a bad name that hopefully will lead, eventually, to a president better equipped to do the job.

Between his impolitic comments, often-antagonist­ic attitude toward lawmakers and inability to convey a positive sales message, Trump has undercut rather than reinforced efforts by top Republican profession­als like House Speaker Paul Ryan and McConnell to achieve their mutual goals. They need help from a functionin­g White House, like the Democrats did, since they, especially McConnell, have small majorities.

The basic problem is that the widening divide between increasing­ly ideologica­l parties has made governing far more difficult. There are fewer of the pragmatist­s who once helped presidents like Ronald Reagan and Bill Clinton form coalitions to enact major measures like tax and welfare reform.

But such officehold­ers do exist, especially in the Senate and many governorsh­ips.

A possible direction was suggested in some little-noticed comments by Republican Sen. Lamar Alexander, a former Tennessee governor and chair of the committee that would, under normal procedure, help write the health measure.

Alexander said he would like to draft legislatio­n geared toward stabilizin­g the marketplac­es and providing a temporary continuati­on of subsidies paid to insurance companies to offset out-ofpocket medical expenses, The New York Times reported.

That would focus on the most urgent current issues, but would require a morebipart­isan approach. That’s been the message of Senate Republican­s like Maine’s Susan Collins, Alaska’s Lisa Murkowski, Colorado’s Cory Gardner, Louisiana’s Bill Cassidy, Ohio’s Rob Portman and West Virginia’s Shelley Moore Capito, who played major roles in delaying McConnell’s bill.

A bipartisan group of governors is pushing a similar message. As first reported by The New York Times’ Alexander Burns, they have sought quietly, behind the scenes, to push lawmakers toward a bipartisan compromise and away from a partisan approach that would devastate Medicaid in their states.

Virginia Democratic Gov. Terry McAuliffe, the chairman of the National Governors Associatio­n, and Massachuse­tts Republican Gov. Charlie Baker, vice chairman of its health and human services committee, wrote a joint letter urging McConnell to show restraint in seeking a bill.

On the very day McConnell delayed Senate considerat­ion of the GOP measure, Republican Gov. John Kasich of Ohio and Democratic Gov. John Hickenloop­er of Colorado held a joint news conference to denounce it. “This bill is unacceptab­le,” Kasich said, noting it would hurt the poor and the mentally ill and benefit “people who are already wealthy.”

It’s unclear if these outside efforts or the reluctance of more-moderate GOP senators will keep McConnell from reaching agreement on some version of the current bill. Complicati­ng his quest, the repeal effort, while supported by the Republican grass roots, is highly unpopular in the country as a whole. Four recent polls show its support ranging from 12 to 27 percent.

If he fails, the growing disruption of the health-insurance market may force McConnell to work with the Democrats on a more pragmatic approach like Alexander suggested. That would ultimately require support from the moreconser­vative House — and a decision by the Trump administra­tion to end its inconsiste­nt attitude toward the federal payments that enable many Obamacare recipients to pay their insurance.

Meanwhile, Trump might be giving inexperien­ce such a bad name he ultimately convinces voters the presidency is no job for a neophyte, and that a better course is someone with governing experience. Like Reagan or Clinton.

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