The Columbus Dispatch

In new light, Clinton scandals look worse

- ROSS DOUTHAT Ross Douthat writes for The New York Times. newsservic­e@nytimes.com

In the long-standing liberal narrative about Bill Clinton and his scandals, the one pushed by Clinton courtiers and ratified in media coverage of his post-presidency, our 42nd president was guilty only of being a horndog, his affairs were nobody’s business but his family’s, and oral sex with Monica Lewinsky was a small thing that should never have put his presidency in peril.

That narrative could not survive the current wave of outrage over male sexual misconduct.

So now a new one may be forming for the age of Harvey Weinstein and Donald Trump. In this story, Kenneth Starr and the Republican­s are still dismissed as partisan witch hunters. But liberals might be willing to concede that the Lewinsky affair was a pretty big deal morally, a clear abuse of sexual power, for which Clinton probably should have been pressured to resign.

This new narrative lines up with what’s often been my own assessment of the Clinton scandals.

But a moment of reassessme­nt is a good time to reassess things for yourself, so I spent this week reading about the lost world of the 1990s. I skimmed the Starr Report. I leafed through books by George Stephanopo­ulos and Joe Klein and Michael Isikoff. I dug into Troopergat­e and Whitewater and other first- term scandals. I reacquaint­ed myself with Gennifer Flowers and Webb Hubbell, James Riady and Marc Rich.

After doing all this reading, I’m not sure my assessment is actually reasonable. It may be that the conservati­ves of the 1990s were simply right about Clinton, that once he failed to resign he really deserved to be impeached.

Yes, the Republican­s were too partisan, the Starr Report was too prurient and Clinton’s haters generated various absurd conspiracy theories.

But the Clinton operation also was extraordin­arily sordid, in ways that should be thrown into particular relief by the absence of similar scandals in the Obama administra­tion, which had perfervid enemies and circling investigat­ors as well.

The sexual misconduct was the heart of things, but everything connected to Clinton’s endless appetite was bad: the use of the perks of office to procure women, willing and unwilling; the frequent use of that same power to buy silence and bully victims; and yes, the brazen public lies and perjury.

Something like Troopergat­e, for instance, in which Arkansas state troopers claimed to have served as Clinton’s panderers and been offered jobs to buy their silence, is often recalled as just a right-wing hit job. But if you read The Los Angeles Times’ reporting on the allegation­s and Stephanopo­ulos’ portrayal of Clinton’s behavior in the White House when the story broke, the story seems like it was probably mostly true.

I have less confidence about what was real in the miasma of Whitewater. But with Paula Jones and Monica Lewinsky, we know what happened: A president being sued for sexual harassment tried to buy off a mistresstu­rned-potential-witness with White House favors, and then committed perjury serious enough to merit disbarment. Which also brought forward a compelling allegation from Juanita Broaddrick that the president had raped her.

The longer I spent with these old stories, the more I came back to a question: If exploiting a willing intern is a serious enough abuse of power to warrant resignatio­n, why is obstructin­g justice in a sexual-harassment case not serious enough to warrant impeachmen­t? Especially when the behavior is part of a long-standing pattern that also may extend to rape?

There is a common liberal argument that our present polarizati­on is the result of constant partisan escalation­s on the right — the rise of Newt Gingrich, the steady Hannitizat­ion of right-wing media.

Some of this is true. But returning to the impeachmen­t imbroglio made me think that in that case the most important escalators were the Democrats. They had an opportunit­y, with Al Gore waiting in the wings, to show a predator the door and establish some moral common ground for a polarizing country.

And what they did instead — turning their party into an accessory to Clinton’s appetites, shamelessl­y abandoning feminist principle, smearing victims and blithely ignoring his most credible accuser — feels in the cold clarity of hindsight like a great act of partisan deformatio­n.

For which, it’s safe to say, we have all been amply punished since.

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