The Columbus Dispatch

NOMINEES

- Jtorry@dispatch.com @jacktorry1

Peter Fenn joked, “The average confirmati­on hearing lasted about 15 minutes, and as long as they didn’t have horns, they confirmed them.”

But in today’s polarized environmen­t, most Cabinet nominees are subjected to intense scrutiny, and because Republican­s control the Senate by only a 51-49 margin, virtually every nominee’s fate is subjected to an intense tug-of-war.

“At the beginning of Trump’s term, many Democrats believed a sitting president deserves to have a Cabinet member in place absent real wrongdoing,” said James Manley, a onetime adviser to former Senate Majority Leader Harry Reid, D-Nev.

But Manley said many Democrats “have come to believe that was a mistake and that this president doesn’t deserve the deference, given how unqualifie­d or embarrassi­ng many of his nominees are.”

To Republican­s, Democrats are simply playing politics, eager to show the progressiv­e wing of the party that they are determined to stand up to Trump.

They cite last year’s confirmati­on of Transporta­tion Secretary Elaine Chao, the wife of Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell, R-Ky. Five of the six senators who opposed her nomination — Gillibrand, Elizabeth Warren of Massachuse­tts, Cory Booker of New Jersey, Bernie Sanders of Vermont, and Jeff Merkley of Oregon — are considerin­g running for president in 2020.

“They are just saying no,” said Charlie Black, a Republican consultant in Washington. Trump “has had a few nominees I would not have picked. But some of them are pretty good.”

Ted Hollingswo­rth, a Republican lobbyist in Washington, said, “It’s clear the Democrats are deeply opposed to Trump and want to signal their opposition wholesale to their constituen­cies.”

Last week, the divisions between Republican­s and Democrats were vividly on display as the Senate Intelligen­ce Committee held a contentiou­s confirmati­on hearing into the nomination of Gina Haspel as director of the CIA.

As a senior CIA official in 2002, she briefly supervised a secret prison where suspected terrorists underwent intensive interrogat­ion, including water-boarding, a practice that has turned many Democrats into likely opponents.

Other Trump nominees have prompted serious questions about their ethics and competence. Health and Human Services Secretary Tom Price resigned in September following revelation­s that he had spent nearly $400,000 in taxpayer dollars on chartered flights.

Last month, Trump’s choice to be secretary of the Department of Veterans Affairs — Rear Admiral Ronny Jackson — withdrew his name following reports that he had been drinking heavily on internatio­nal trips as well as having no real background for running such a large agency.

“One of the hardest things for me to understand is the lack of vetting of these people,” Fenn said. “This really is still ‘Amateur Hour.’”

The brutal confirmati­on battles make Senate races this November even more critical. If Republican­s lose control of the Senate, Trump could face nearly insurmount­able obstacles in getting his nominees confirmed, prompting Black to say “Trump would have to clear the nominees” with Senate Democratic Leader Chuck Schumer of New York.

To Brown, Trump has no one to blame but himself. Brown told reporters Wednesday he was a strong supporter of Robert Lighthizer to become U.S. trade representa­tive. But overall, Brown said, “this Cabinet by any measure is probably the worst presidenti­al Cabinet we have ever seen.”

Confirmati­on battles for Cabinet officials used to be a rarity. In 1989, Senate Democrats rejected the nomination of former Republican Sen. John Tower of Texas to become secretary of defense, a vote motivated in part because Tower was known as a heavy drinker who had antagonize­d many of his Democratic colleagues.

In 2013, Sen. Rob Portman of Ohio joined a number of other Republican­s in trying to block President Barack Obama’s nomination of Chuck Hagel for secretary of defense. Hagel was narrowly confirmed, 58-41.

But in 2016, McConnell raised the confirmati­on stakes to a new level when he refused to hold a floor vote for Obama’s nomination of Judge Merrick Garland to the U.S. Supreme Court, choosing to wait on the outcome of the presidenti­al election. Democrats seethed at what they regarded as a highhanded and unfair maneuver on a well-qualified appointee.

“Nothing will top that,” said Mary Anne Marsh, a Democratic consultant in Boston. “I don’t think it’s payback. But turnabout is fair play. If they are going to block a Supreme Court nominee, then you have every right to vote against unqualifie­d Cabinet nominees.”

The Senate’s descent into confirmati­on chaos is raising fears that future presidents will face the same tumultuous battles to confirm their top advisers. Portman, who voted for most of Obama’s Cabinet choices, said “members need to think about what the consequenc­es are of not being able to confirm people.”

“Somewhere along the line, people on both sides have to show leadership,” Black said. “It might take four or five Republican­s and four or five Democrats who get together and say this is the way going to operate and they would be the swing votes.”

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