The Columbus Dispatch

Trump’s Rx is a sugar pill for Big Pharma

- Paul Krugman writes for The New York Times. oped@nytimes.com

convince you that Trump really is getting tough on drug companies, there’s a simple response: If he were, his speech wouldn’t have sent drug stocks soaring.

America pays far more for drugs than any other major nation, and there’s no good reason we should. Basically, when it comes to drugs, we’re Big Pharma’s sucker of last resort.

Bear in mind that the way the drug business works can’t and doesn’t bear any resemblanc­e to the Econ 101, supply-and-demand stories beloved by free-market enthusiast­s. What we have is a patent system in which the company that develops a drug is granted a temporary legal monopoly over sales of that drug. That system is OK, or at least defensible, as a way to reward innovation; but nothing about the logic of the patent system says that patent owners should be free to exploit their monopolies to the max.

There is, in fact, a very strong case for government action to limit the prices drug companies can charge, just as there is a strong case for limiting monopoly power in general. And the fact that taxpayers pay a large share of drug costs both reinforces the case for limiting drug prices and gives the government a lot of leverage it could use to achieve that goal.

Of course, draconian controls on drug prices could discourage innovation. But that’s not what anyone is talking about, and the benefits of moderate action would almost surely exceed the costs, for a variety of reasons: Drug companies would make less per unit but sell more, they would spend less developing drugs that largely duplicate existing medication, and more. Oh, and America, with its unique unwillingn­ess to bargain over drug prices, is basically subsidizin­g the rest of the world. Wasn’t Trump supposed to hate that sort of thing?

So why aren’t we doing something about drug prices?

It’s true that simply granting Medicare the right to negotiate prices wouldn’t do much by itself. We’d also have to give Medicare some bargaining power, probably including the right to refuse to cover drugs whose prices are exorbitant. And before you denounce this as “rationing,” remember that before 2003, Medicare didn’t pay for drugs at all.

Still, saying no might anger some Medicare recipients; polls show overwhelmi­ng public support (92 percent!) for allowing Medicare to negotiate lower prices, but that support might erode once people realized what effective negotiatio­n requires.

But Pharma has bought itself enough politician­s to block policies that might reduce its profits.

I’m not just talking about campaign contributi­ons, either. I’m talking about the personal enrichment of politician­s who serve pharma’s agenda.

After all, who put together the 2003 Medicare Modernizat­ion Act, which put taxpayers on the hook for seniors’ prescripti­on drug costs but specifical­ly prohibited Medicare from negotiatin­g prices?

The answer is that it was largely devised by thenRep. Billy Tauzin, R-La. — who shortly thereafter left Congress to become the highly paid president of the Pharmaceut­ical Research and Manufactur­ers Associatio­n, the industry’s main lobbying group.

And Trump, far from draining this swamp, invited it in to the executive branch. Tom Price, his first secretary of Health and Human Services, was forced out because of his lavish travel spending — but his pharmarela­ted conflicts of interest were actually a much bigger deal. And his successor, Alex Azar, is ... a former drugcompan­y executive.

The bottom line is that American exceptiona­lism has prevailed again: We’re still the only major nation that lets the drug companies charge whatever they like.

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