The Columbus Dispatch

Those Trump spin- offs could cause him trouble

- Frank Bruni writes for The New York Times. newsservic­e@nytimes.com.

master she learned how to draw and hold the spotlight: Mete out revelation­s. Hurl accusation­s. Contradict yourself. Leave everyone gasping, gawking and coming back for more.

‘‘Trump and Omarosa Are Kindred Spirits’’ reads the headline on a new column on Bloomberg by Tim O’Brien, the author of the 2005 book ‘‘TrumpNatio­n.’’ The president, he notes, was ‘‘fascinated by her selfabsorp­tion and nastiness.’’ Trump stares into every mirror he passes.

‘‘She may be the purest of all the Trump characters,’’ an unnamed former Trump administra­tion official told Axios’ Jonathan Swan. ‘‘She may be the most Trumpian.’’ No maybe about it.

She made secret tapes, just like Michael Cohen, Trump’s former lawyer. No one should be surprised, least of all Trump. When you grease the walls of your sanctum with lies and put fun-house mirrors everywhere, is it any wonder that the dazed people inside try to protect themselves with a lifeline like proof?

And didn’t Trump himself record people who called him at Trump Tower and later taunt James Comey by suggesting that he had audio of their conversati­ons? Imitation isn’t just the sincerest form of flattery. It’s the cleverest kind of revenge.

Ask Michael Avenatti, Stormy Daniels’ lawyer. He’s flirting with a presidenti­al bid or at least realizing that such a flirtation is a brand multiplier. Last week he visited Iowa, and not for the soybeans. He made a big speech. Said that when they go low, he’ll go subterrane­an. He’ll tunnel. He’ll spelunk.

Like Trump, he vents his scorn in crude put-downs. Like Trump, he views media ubiquity as a credential in its own right.

Like Trump, he overpromis­es, confident of the shortness of memory. To build interest in his and Daniels’ big appearance­s on ‘‘60 Minutes,’’ he tweeted a picture of a compact disc and of the safe in which it was ostensibly being protected. He implied that it had evidence of her communions with Trump. That was March. And that was that.

In a way, Cohen sort of is Trump, too, with shady ties, bendy rules and limber ethics. His exposure is now Trump’s vulnerabil­ity. There’s actually a scene in Manigault Newman’s book where she and Cohen watch Trump eat a piece of paper rather than leave it around for presidenti­al recordkeep­ers. Cohen has denied this; Trump has essentiall­y denied everything by tweeting copiously that Manigault Newman is ‘‘vicious,’’ ‘‘deranged,’’ ‘‘crazed’’ and a ‘‘dog.’’

Cohen is staring down possible time in the clink, and so is Paul Manafort.

Manafort and Trump were surely drawn to each other by common values (or, rather, an uncommon lack of them). As The Times reported, Manafort faked an altitude of affluence that he no longer possessed, forgoing any salary as Trump’s campaign manager, because he suspected that this would impress Trump, who has exaggerate­d his own wealth.

Manafort’s ongoing trial provides daily reminders that Robert Mueller’s investigat­ion is no ‘‘witch hunt.’’ And it’s a peek into the vanity and chicanery that earn too many people entry into Trump’s world, crowded with hucksters in whom he sees himself or through whom he replicates himself.

The genre usually invoked to describe his presidency is reality television. Science fiction is more apt. He’s an entity whose components split off to form independen­t existences that now threaten to undo him. His hunger for attention became Rudy Giuliani; his thirst for pomp, Scott Pruitt; his taste for provocatio­n, Avenatti; his talent for duplicity, Manigault Newman. They’re an army of emulators, adding up to Trump. And they’re on the march.

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