‘Enlarged patriotism’ recognizes nation’s diversity
To that end, Bono’s band U2 has been choosing a moment during its concerts to unfurl — wait for it — the flag of the European Union. “Europe is a thought that needs to become a feeling,” Bono writes in a recent op-ed in the German newspaper Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung. He is trying to give that feeling meaning. To him, Europe is about the ability of countries that were once warring to live in peace, for people of many different lands and languages to come together. “That idea of Europe deserves songs written about it, and big bright blue flags to be waved about,” he writes.
Bono admits that Europe is a “hard sell” today. The continent is ablaze with populism. These forces have taken control in Hungary, Poland and Italy and are steadily gaining ground in countries from Germany to Sweden. It seems everywhere the fuel is the same: hostility toward strangers, foreigners, anyone who is different.
In April, NPR’s Joanna Kakissis reported on a Hungarian sociologist, Endre Sik, who had polled Hungarians about allowing asylum seekers into the country. He found strong resistance to accepting particular groups such as Romanians, Chinese and Arabs, and then he decided to ask about the “Pirezians.” The Pirezians are a fictional ethnic group of Sik’s own creation, yet Hungarians roundly refused to take them in.
Bono’s message resonated since I had been reading Francis Fukuyama’s new book, “Identity: The Demand for Dignity and the Politics of Resentment.” Fukuyama argues that identity stems from humans’ deep- seated psychological need to be recognized as possessing dignity.
In recent decades, persecuted minority groups ( blacks, Hispanics, gays) have celebrated their identity — and so have working-class whites, who now feel ignored and forgotten. The answer, Fukuyama writes, is not to reject identity politics but to construct broad identities that can embrace others and unify different groups.
The founders of the EU, he argues, spent too much time building the technical aspects of the project — laws, rules, tariffs. They neglected to nurture an actual European identity, something people could believe in not for rational reasons but for emotional and idealistic ones. In the American case, he argues, the anti- populist forces have to create a broad identity centered on core American ideas and values rather than narrow ethnic, racial or religious ones.
The European challenge might seem much greater than the American one, but in fact, distrust of foreigners doesn’t necessarily mean a rejection of Europe. Even in Poland and Hungary, where ethno- nationalist sentiments run high, support for the EU is quite high. According to the latest European Commission surveys, 71 percent of Poles say they feel attached to the EU, more so than Germans or Spaniards, while 61 percent of Hungarians feel attached, outstripping the French, Swedes and Belgians. The problem is, it isn’t a deep, emotional bond — they are three to four times more likely to feel strongly attached to their own nation than to the EU.
What people in Europe and America ought to be proud of, what they should celebrate, are actually the remarkable achievements of diversity. “I love our differences,” writes Bono, “our dialects, our traditions, our peculiarities. ... And I believe they still leave room for what Churchill called an ‘ enlarged patriotism’: plural allegiances, layered identities, to be Irish and European, German and European, not either/ or.
The word ‘ patriotism’ has been stolen from us by nationalists and extremists who demand uniformity. But real patriots seek unity above homogeneity. Reaffirming that is, to me ... the real European project.”
And, I would add, the American project as well.