The Columbus Dispatch

Trump cuts regulation­s until courts stop him

- Kevin Freking and Ellen Knickmeyer

WASHINGTON — President Donald Trump is positionin­g himself as a champion regulation-cutter in the lead-up to the Nov. 3 election, but in between his showy red-tape-cutting events his deregulato­ry agenda is taking a beating in the courts.

One day, he’s hailing a massive rollback to one of the nation’s most important environmen­tal laws, which he hopes will speed up gas pipelines and all kinds of other big projects. Another, he’s holding forth between two pickup trucks being used as props on the South Lawn of the White House — a blue one piled with weights identified as government regulation­s and a red one, of course, that has been unburdened.

“No other administra­tion has done anywhere near,” Trump declared.

But there’s a sharp disconnect between the president's muscular rhetoric and the many courtroom battles he's lost.

Trump's deregulato­ry victories have been shrinking in number as courts uphold many of the lawsuits filed by states, environmen­tal groups and others in response to his administra­tion's sometimes hastily engineered rollbacks.

Just hours before Trump's South Lawn event, for example, a federal judge reinstated an Obama-era rule that required oil and gas companies operating on public lands to take reasonable measures to stop climate-damaging methane emissions.

The judge described the Trump administra­tion’s legal groundwork to justify the rollback as “wholly inadequate” and “backwards." “An agency cannot flip-flop regulation­s on the whims of each new administra­tion,″ she wrote.

The defeat was the administra­tion's third major loss in federal courts in just one week.

“Those were three really huge major decisions all across the span ... where the Trump administra­tion was rebuked across the board," said Vickie Patton, general counsel of the Environmen­tal Defense Fund, who had a role in all three cases.

Bethany Davis Noll, director of New York University’s Institute for Policy Integrity, estimates the administra­tion has emerged victorious in 15 percent of the regulatory lawsuits. Previous administra­tions generally won about 70 percent, she said.

To be sure, the president has had a few wins, and many important cases are not yet resolved.

Among the administra­tion's victories: It scrapped an Obama-era regulation that imposed tougher restrictio­ns on hydraulic “fracking” operations. Trump also signed 15 resolution­s of disapprova­l that passed a Republican-led Congress, overturnin­g an array of rules issued by federal agencies in the final months of Barack Obama’s presidency.

But where Trump has really made his mark is throttling back new regulation­s, said Cary Coglianese, a professor at the University of Pennsylvan­ia Carey Law School and director of the Penn Program on Regulation.

“There’s just been much less new regulation of great consequenc­e during the last 3 1/2 years,” Coglianese said.

With respect to peeling back existing regulation­s, Coglianese finds Trump efforts to be limited and mostly aimed at undoing the work of his predecesso­r. That includes throwing out Obama's legacy efforts to moderate climate change by mandating far more fuel-efficient vehicles

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and setting the first limits on carbon pollution from U.S. power plants.

Other administra­tion efforts would greatly weaken the scope of two laws that have served as the foundation for a half-century of public health and environmen­tal regulation: removing federal protection­s for millions of miles of waterways and wetlands and reining in environmen­tal reviews and public input for major projects.

Among modern-day presidents, Coglianese said, Democrat Jimmy Carter was probably the most impactful, deregulati­ng the airline, trucking and railroad industries. Democrat Bill Clinton systematic­ally got rid of outdated regulation­s through a reinventin­g-government initiative.

With Trump, “there’s a lot more smoke-and-mirrors to the deregulato­ry picture than the administra­tion paints,” Coglianese said. “It’s certainly not at all the driver of economic growth during the PRE-COVID period of the administra­tion, and it’s certainly not enough to take us out of the economic troubles we find ourselves in.”

The president early in his administra­tion directed agencies to scrap two regulation­s for every new one they create. The White House said this month that it has taken seven deregulato­ry actions for every significan­t new rule.

But even the White House’s own records reflect that many of those rule-cutting measures were minor. The ratio falls to 2-to-1 over the past two years when only significan­t rules are considered.

The president's pose between the two pickups was designed as a reminder to supporters — not as an overture to win over new ones — that if you distrust regulation­s, Trump is still your guy, said Daniel Bosch, who tracks regulatory policy at the conservati­ve American Action Forum.

“Those folks that are driven and motivated by deregulati­on know that the president is committed to that,” Bosch said.

Trump also sees the regulatory issue as a chance to tie Vice President Joe Biden to the progressiv­e wing of the Democratic Party. He argues that Biden's support for the Paris climate accord and other policies would lead to higher energy bills and job cuts.

If he wins, Biden pledges to do to Trump's regulatory record what Trump did to Obama's: obliterate it.

“We're not just going to tinker around the edges,” Biden said in recent weeks. He pledged to "reverse Trump’s rollbacks of ... public health and environmen­tal rules and then forge a path to greater ambition.”

Trump's regulatory legacy will be greatly shaped in coming months by court rulings in lawsuits challengin­g some of his most potentiall­y consequent­ial rollbacks.

“He needs to win reelection in order to defend those rules in court, and even then I think it’s going to be a long-shot to win some of those,” Noll said.

Both sides know the end game for many of the rollbacks may be in the Supreme Court — and Trump may have a chance to name more justices to the court if he wins a second term.

If it comes to that, said Patton, the environmen­tal group lawyer, then regulatory litigation could be “generation-defining.”

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