The Commercial Appeal

2016 identity politics all about labels

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Nineties throwbacks seem to be everywhere these days: low unemployme­nt, a Bush and a Clinton running for office, friends from “Full House” and “XFiles” entering our living rooms again.

Identity politics a re back, too. But rather than appealing to voter identities based on race, gender or class, today’s pols are citing ideologica­l labels to incite herd-mentality voting: “conservati­ve” and “progressiv­e.”

In Thursday’s Democratic debate i n New Hampshire, for example, Hillary Clinton and Bernie Sanders tussled repeatedly over what it means to be “progressiv­e,” whether one could be simultaneo­usly “progressiv­e” and “moderate,” and whether Clinton’s views on banking, capital punishment and foreign policy could be shoehorned into the true definition of “progressiv­ism,” whatever that is.

Clinton fought back with etymology, declaring that “the root of that word, ‘progressiv­e,’ is progress,” which she implied she has a near-monopoly on. She suggested Sanders’ strict-constructi­onist definition of progressiv­ism would require purging nearly everyone from the Democratic Party. Then she went on to list all of Sanders’ votes over the years that had tainted his own progressiv­e purity.

Viewers were apparently so confused by this exchange that online dictionary look-ups of the word “progressiv­e” spiked.

Days later, Republican presidenti­al contenders had an eerily similar verbal shootout over who and what counts as “conservati­ve.”

Among the key points of contention: Is supporting eminent domain “conservati­ve”? What about providing services to the mentally ill? What about spending more money on national defense? What about being “smart”? (Smartness was, unsurprisi­ngly, a key part of Donald Trump’s definition of the word.)

Echoing the Democrat- ic debate, there was even a half hearted attempt at etymology: “I view the word conservati­ve as a derivative of the word ‘conserve,’” Trump explained.

I honestly don’t get this fixation, among Republican­s and Democrats, with their ideologica­l marques.

Both terms seem so elastic as to be pretty much meaningles­s. Given the standard-bearers of such labels in the past, the terms encompass a wide and often inconsiste­nt bundle of beliefs. Ronald Reagan, after all, was supposed to be a paragon of conservati­sm, but under his watch the federal debt exploded. It seems like that alone should cause him to fail a fiscal conservati­sm test.

On the left, “progressiv­e” carries even weirder baggage, especially in comparison with its near-synonym “liberal” (which has undergone its own brand revival of late). Under the aegis of the p-word, many members of the original turn-of-the-20thcentur­y Progressiv­e movement embraced eugenics, temperance, segregatio­n and other ideas that both the public and presidenti­al candidates are probably not so keen on today.

More important, it just doesn’t seem like the voters actually care whether candidates exhibit ideologica­l purity.

Don’t get me wrong. There’s plenty of tribal- ism on both the left and the right. But both parties also now have big and oddly shaped tents. The Republican coalition alone comprises gun enthusiast­s, anti-tax zealots, evangelica­l Christians, small-business owners, nativists and other strange bedfellows. Imagining they all believe the same things about every issue, and in a way that is intellectu­ally consistent and summarizab­le by any single word or principle, is foolhardy.

One of Trump’s most useful insights this election cycle is to recognize that voters don’t actually pay much attention to whether a politician espouses traditiona­lly “conservati­ve” views, however defined, or even ideologica­lly coherent ones. He picks and chooses positions that people like and want to vote for, or at least that sound good in the moment. (A lot of his views on trade, big pharma and “special interests” sound similar to Sanders’, after all.) To some extent this is what politician­s have always done, though usually they’ve pretended to philosophi­cal constancy more fervently than Trump has.

Trump has embraced the appeal and practicali­ty of cafeteria-style politics. He’s just waiting for the rest of the field to catch up.

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