The Commercial Appeal

Upcoming redistrict­ing looms over midterms

- David A. Lieb ASSOCIATED PRESS

JEFFERSON CITY, Mo. – The task of drawing new boundaries for thousands of federal and state legislativ­e districts is still about three years away, yet the political battle over redistrict­ing already is playing out in this year’s midterm elections.

North Carolina’s congressio­nal elections were thrown into a week of uncertaint­y when a federal judicial panel raised the possibilit­y that it would order new districts before the fall elections to correct what it had ruled was unconstitu­tional partisan gerrymande­ring. It opted Tuesday against doing that, conceding there was not enough time.

In Colorado, Michigan, Missouri and Utah, campaigns are underway for November ballot initiative­s that would change the redistrict­ing process so it’s less partisan and creates more competitiv­e districts. National Democratic and Republican groups are pouring millions of dollars into state races seeking to ensure they have officehold­ers in position to influence the next round of redistrict­ing.

The results from the 2020 census are to be delivered to states in spring 2021, triggering a mandatory once-a-decade redistrict­ing for U.S. House and state legislativ­e seats to account for population changes. How those districts get drawn can help determine which party controls those chambers for years to come.

Legal challenges

Current political boundaries are being legally challenged in about a dozen states, on claims of political or racial gerrymande­ring. The lawsuits seek to force districts to be temporaril­y redrawn for the 2020 elections and, more importantl­y, establish legal precedents to be followed during the next census-based redistrict­ing.

A lawsuit in North Carolina appears to hold the greatest potential for change. A federal judicial panel has ruled that 12 of the state’s 13 congressio­nal districts violate the U.S. Constituti­on because Republican state lawmakers drew them to their own party’s benefit while infringing on the rights of Democratic voters. The case is likely to be appealed to the U.S. Supreme Court, which thus far has shied away from setting a standard for determinin­g when partisan gerrymande­ring becomes unconstitu­tional.

Critics of partisan gerrymande­ring point to North Carolina to illustrate why they believe the process is unfair and disenfranc­hises voters of the other party. Democrats account for the greatest number of registered voters in the state and hold the governor’s office, while registered Republican­s and independen­ts are equally divided. Yet the state’s delegation to the U.S. House is 10 Republican­s and three Democrats thanks partly to the congressio­nal lines drawn by GOP lawmakers to maximize their advantage.

A similar partisan gerrymande­ring claim remains pending against the Wisconsin state Assembly districts after the nation’s highest court in June directed the case back to a lower court for more proceeding­s.

Pennsylvan­ia’s congressio­nal districts were redrawn earlier this year after the state Supreme Court ruled that the Republican-drawn boundaries amounted to an unconstitu­tional partisan gerrymande­r. Candidates are running under the new map in the November election, with Democrats hoping to cut into what had been a roughly 2-to-1 seat advantage for Republican­s in a state where Democrats have a slight registrati­on advantage over Republican­s and have dominated statewide elections. A majority of the Supreme Court justices were elected as Democrats.

Ballot initiative­s

Voters in several states will be deciding whether to change the criteria or methods by which districts are drawn with the goal of making the process less partisan.

Initiative­s in Michigan and Missouri have come under fire by Republican­s because the efforts have been led by Democratic activists, although the measures have also drawn some bipartisan support.

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