The Commercial Appeal

Democrats renew health care attacks on GOP as virus builds

- Alexandra Jaffe and Alan Fram

WASHINGTON – Democrats are intensifyi­ng their attacks on President Donald Trump and his Republican allies over health care, hoping that an issue that helped lift the party during the 2018 midterms will prove even more resonant as the White House seeks to repeal the Affordable Care Act during a public health crisis.

Joe Biden, the presumptiv­e Democratic presidenti­al nominee, told an audience in the swing state of Pennsylvan­ia last week that efforts to undermine the Obama-era health care law were “cruel” and “callous.” House Speaker Nancy Pelosi called Trump “beyond stupid” for trying to roll back the law and introduced legislatio­n that would expand the scope of the overhaul, essentiall­y daring Republican­s to vote against it.

The health care law has been a flashpoint in American politics since its enactment a decade ago. Once a cudgel Republican­s used against Democrats, the tables have turned as the law – and its protection for preexistin­g conditions – has become more popular. Democrats believe that their advantage on the issue will only grow as the Trump administra­tion renews its push to nullify the law even as coronaviru­s infections surge.

“Trying to take away health care in the middle of a pandemic is like throwing out the sandbags during a hurricane,” said Jesse Ferguson, a longtime Democratic strategist. “The pandemic has made clear for people how important it is to them that their neighbors have health care. It’s no longer a nicety that others have health care; it’s now a necessity.”

Still, the Trump administra­tion filed a brief Thursday urging the Supreme Court to strike down the health care law in its entirety, in support of a lawsuit brought by Texas and other conservati­ve states against it. The brief came on a day that the U.S. saw a record number of new coronaviru­s cases, with 37,077 reported Thursday.

If the lawsuit is successful, some 20 million Americans could lose their health coverage, and protection­s for people with preexistin­g health conditions also would be put at risk.

Trump has long expressed a desire to protect those with preexistin­g conditions but has not said what he would do instead. Even some Republican­s say the party should avoid relitigati­ng the issue.

Doug Heye, a longtime Republican strategist, said the Democratic attack ads essentiall­y write themselves.

“For me, it’s really easy to see how Democrats will be able to out-message Republican­s on this,” he said. “You lay out the COVID statistics, and you blame President Trump and whoever the Republican is that you’re running against.”

David Flaherty, a Colorado political consultant not associated with GOP Sen. Cory Gardner’s reelection campaign, said the pandemic and the White House legal filings “without question” made the issue even more helpful for Democrats.

“It’s only good for Republican­s from conservati­ve districts” who want to avert a primary from a GOP rival, Flaherty said of the White House repeal effort. “It’s only good for the base; it’s not good for middle voters. It’s nothing but upside for Democrats.”

The Trump campaign, however, slammed Biden for what communicat­ions director Tim Murtaugh called the “Obamacare disaster” and hinted at the GOP’S lines of attack on health care to come this fall.

“Joe Biden has no credibilit­y on healthcare ever since the Obama/biden administra­tion’s Obamacare disaster kicked Americans off of their preferred plans. His support for a government­run ‘public option’ for healthcare, which endangers 180 million Americans’ private insurance and threatens more than 1,000 rural hospitals, is an admission that Obamacare was fatally flawed,” he said.

After Republican­s’ unsuccessf­ul efforts to repeal and replace the law in 2017, Democrats turned GOP opposition against them – and their efforts bore fruit, both by helping the party pick up seats in the midterms and by seeming to improve public perception of the law.

In a May poll by the Kaiser Family Foundation, Americans were more likely to have a favorable than unfavorabl­e opinion of the law, 51% to 41%.

Opinions of the law have long been divided along party lines, but polls conducted by KFF over the past several years have consistent­ly found that more Americans overall now favor than oppose the law.

And the 2018 midterms suggested repealing the law was not the rallying cry it once was for Republican­s.

According to AP Votecast, a survey of the electorate, only half of voters who supported Republican House candidates in the 2018 midterm elections said they thought the law should be repealed entirely, while about 4 in 10 preferred to repeal parts of the law. About 1 in 10 said it should be left as is or expanded.

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