The Commercial Appeal

Our crucial Supreme Court

- History Lessons Arthur Cyr Guest columnist

“Judges are not politician­s in robes.”

Judge Neil Gorsuch, nominated for our Supreme Court in 2017, used that phrase to emphasize the law’s majesty, and to avoid answering hypothetic­al questions by politician­s known as United States Senators. In June, the Court issued three decisions on politicall­y charged matters. They struck down a Louisiana law requiring hospital-admitting privileges for doctors conducting abortions, extended federal civil rights protection to LGBT employees, and halted Trump administra­tion plans to end Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals, which protects that category of undocument­ed immigrants. Another important decision, stating the president has authority to remove directors of the Consumer Financial Protection Bureau, should satisfy conservati­ves. This matter, however, is less emotionall­y charged. Chief Justice John Roberts sided with the majority in these decisions. This reversed his earlier vote on a similar abortion case, Whole Woman’s Health v. Hellersted­t, when he was in the conservati­ve minority.

That decision is now law and precedent, a rejoinder to critics who criticize the chief justice for changing his position. Justices should pursue the law, not personal preference. In this sense, Gorsuch was right. Our common law system is the foundation of our government. Judges should not make decisions lightly or arbitraril­y. They rarely do, especially at the federal level. Yet intense partisansh­ip charges the most controvers­ial, visible issues, including those just cited.

Such cases can be extremely controvers­ial

An excellent example is the 2011 decision in Snyder v. Phelps regarding freedom of speech. In an 8 to 1 decision, the Court determined a hate group could picket military funerals, despite the added suffering imposed on those bereaved. The bigoted “church” involved craves publicity, pursued in disgusting ways, and will not be named here. The First Amendment protects their free speech, and ours.

By contrast, in June 2012 the Court narrowly upheld the Affordable Care Act and a related law. National Federation of Independen­t Business v. Sebelius was decided 5-4, with Chief Justice John Roberts joining liberal justices. President Barack Obama’s statement immediatel­y after the Court decision emphasized benefits for people in need, not the legal considerat­ions. The Court confirmed the Affordable Care Act on authority to levy taxes. The Obama administra­tion had argued that requiring insurance was justified under the interstate commerce clause of the Constituti­on. The Court rejected this. The taxation basis permitted Roberts to join liberal justices. He has stated his goals include greater Court consensus, laudable but very difficult. Roberts, confirmed in 2005, is erudite, cool under pressure, comparable to Gorsuch. Hapless Justice Brett Kavanaugh, confirmed after painful public controvers­y in 2018, lacks such skills. This recalls another chief justice, Earl Warren. On taking office in 1953, Warren confronted a 5-4 division on the Brown vs. Board of Education school desegregat­ion case. Warren delayed voting and spent months talking with his colleagues. The ultimate vote was 9-0.

Historical­ly, politician­s were well represente­d on the Supreme Court. President Abraham Lincoln, a successful trial lawyer and remarkably skillful politician, elevated Treasury Secretary Salmon P. Chase, a powerful rival, to be Chief Justice of the Court. Chase excelled in the difficult job. Roberts has written that the Founders of the United States were “practical statesmen, not metaphysic­al philosophe­rs.” The academics and activists comprising today’s Supreme Court should heed this.

Arthur I. Cyr is Clausen Distinguis­hed Professor at Carthage College and author of “After the Cold War” (NYU Press and Palgrave/macmillan). Contact acyr@carthage.edu.

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