The Commercial Appeal

Black hands fueled election of Georgia senators

- Paul Stekler

On the night of his historic election in Georgia last week, the Rev. Raphael Warnock talked about his mother, saying her “82-year-old hands that used to pick somebody else’s cotton went to the polls and picked her youngest son to be a United States senator.” His mother did pick cotton and tobacco in the summers, but he was also referencin­g a slogan used by the civil rights organizers in the 1960s and ’70s to mobilize a newly enfranchis­ed Southern Black electorate to exercise their right to vote. Their slogan was “hands that pick cotton now can pick our public officials.”

Four decades ago, our team made a film about the first post-civil rights attempts of African Americans to win political office in the deep South. One of the places I visited in the 1980s looking for stories was the rural majority-black counties in southwest Georgia. I remember driving to tiny Fort Gaines on the Chattahooc­hee River on the Alabama border, where a Tuskegee Institute professor, an old friend, had grown up. I called him from the one pay phone on the town’s main street, watching a dog sleeping in the middle of the road, not moving throughout the call because there wasn’t any traffic.

There also was not much political activity back then. Nothing really to film. What a difference the decades have made. As compared with the 2020 election, Black turnout in Georgia’s special election was significantly higher than in Republican counties, fueling the Democratic sweep of the runoffs.

It’s hard to explain what it was like for African Americans to run for office in the rural deep South then. Looking back at our film, “Hands That Picked Cotton,” about the early grassroots electoral organizing, is like looking at an alternativ­e political universe.

We followed Robert Clark, the first Black person elected to a state legislatur­e from the rural South since Reconstruc­tion, running for Congress. His challenge was getting out the Black vote in a Blackmajor­ity Mississipp­i Delta district.

Generation­s of poor African Americans — fearful, intimidate­d by past violence and legally sanctioned oppression, and with no experience of participat­ing — were reluctant to register, let alone vote. One day, Ed Brown, the older brother of 1960s firebrand H. Rap Brown and Clark’s political adviser, drove with us around the district. On camera, Brown pointed at a courthouse up on a hill where the county’s single polling site was, telling us that getting people to register and vote was like “walking from one century to the next century.” That November, the turnout was low and Clark lost. But the organizing continued.

We also followed candidates for a county commission in Black-majority Humphreys County, Mississipp­i, the self-proclaimed catfish capital of the world. We were the only camera crew anywhere near the local elections throughout the hot summer in 1983. Filming those people was an inspiratio­n, a testament to their bravery and their belief in the power of democracy. And that election night, far from any nightly news coverage, they won.

Today, there are thousands of elected officials in the South who are from minority communitie­s. Where most African Americans were once barred from voting by poll taxes, literacy tests, unchecked violence and the refusal of officials to register them, it is a different country and a different South.

Tim Scott of South Carolina, an African American conservati­ve Republican, was elected to a Senate seat once held by the rabid racist Benjamin Tillman, known as “Pitchfork Ben.”

Warnock will hold the seat once held by another staunch segregatio­nist, Herman Talmadge. And those same voters who elected Warnock also elected Jon Ossoff, a 33-year-old liberal Jew, to Georgia’s other Senate seat. In the Georgia runoffs, those Black hands truly made a historic difference.

Paul Stekler is documentar­y filmmaker and a professor of public affairs and radio-television-film at The University of Texas at Austin.

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