The Courier-Journal (Louisville)

McConnell gives way to Trump, but will he still endorse him?

- Al Cross

When Mitch McConnell announced Wednesday that he would not run again for Senate Republican leader, he tacitly acknowledg­ed that he doesn’t fit well in a party headed by Donald Trump – whose presidency he aided and whose candidacy he has pledged to endorse.

“Believe me, I know the politics within my party at this particular moment in time,” McConnell said, noting his successful efforts to pass the Ukraine aid bill that was favored by only 22 of the 48 Republican senators. So we knew the larger, unspoken meaning.

McConnell's timing was a surprise

The announceme­nt wasn’t unexpected, given McConnell’s age (he turned 82 on Feb. 20, which he noted) and his recent health issues, but its timing was a surprise. He reportedly decided weeks ago that he would step down, but didn’t want to announce that until the Senate passed the bill to keep sending aid to Ukraine. The Senate was in recess until last week, and these sorts of announceme­nts typically some in a Senate floor speech.

McConnell began that address by saying that the Feb. 10 death (still incomplete­ly explained) of his 50-year-old sister-in-law brought “a certain introspect­ion that accompanie­s the grieving process.” When I interviewe­d him three days after the tragedy, he choked up as he spoke about Angela Chao, so her death may have been a catalyst.

His promise to back Trump

Neverthele­ss,

McConnell’s announceme­nt came at a time when Trump is cementing his control of their party by locking up its nomination for president – and when The New York Times had just reported back-channel conversati­ons between representa­tives of McConnell and Trump about the endorsemen­t that McConnell said three years ago that he would give Trump if he were nominated, though they despise each other.

Purposely or not, McConnell’s announceme­nt makes whatever endorsemen­t he delivers to Trump less consequent­ial, to use a word he likes to use as a neutral metric for people in public life.

And that brings us to McConnell’s legacy as the Senate’s longest-serving party leader since the role was defined just over 100 years ago.

A comprehens­ive analysis of McConnell’s 17-plus years in the job needs a more expansive platform; some topics, like the political influence of money, had other advocates, but he was a political and intellectu­al leader of that movement, which is fitting, because he’s one of the few politician­s I know who enjoys raising money.

McConnell is one of America’s most consequent­ial politician­s

But beyond the wide range of issues on which he prevailed or exercised major influence, McConnell is one of America’s most consequent­ial politician­s. Who else can say that they reshaped the Senate, and then (with nomination­s adopted by Trump) the federal judiciary, with lifetime appointmen­ts from bottom top?

McConnell’s calculated audacity in holding open a Supreme Court seat probably helped elect Trump, who made it his key to winning over evangelica­ls. Less well known is McConnell’s advancemen­t of the filibuster as a standard operating procedure in the Senate, requiring 60 votes to pass significan­t bills.

President Donald Trump, left, brought Sen. Mitch McConnell up to the stage after Trump made remarks supporting former Gov. Matt Bevin’s re-election campaign, in Lexington on Nov. 4, 2019.

That dates from McConnell’s first term as leader, in 2007. Democrats played a role, too, but most expert observers agree that McConnell was the driving force.

So, our country and the Senate are different places because of Mitch McConnell – and not for the better, if you favor such things as a right to abortion and a tax system adequate for our needs while paying our national debt. But he advanced the causes of “religious liberty, free speech, Second Amendment rights” and other conservati­ve hallmarks, as columnist Marc Thiessen wrote in The Washington Post.

How McConnell helped Kentucky

From a Kentucky viewpoint, McConnell has used his power to help our needy state in many ways. He mastermind­ed political victories that made it a Republican state, but that would have eventually happened, with the Democratic Party’s move to the left on social issues, away from most Kentuckian­s. Republican­s moved right, and McConnell moved with them to enhance his chances of being a Senate leader.

McConnell is still writing his story. His full legacy may not be known until after he leaves the Senate in January 2027 – because that could be in the middle of a second term for Trump, who poses a serious challenge to the way Americans govern themselves.

McConnell twice protected Trump from conviction upon impeachmen­t, the second time because he was unwilling or unable to get enough Republican­s to “strike the snake when they had the hoe in their hand,” as put by former Kentuckian Bob Garrett, who just retired as Austin Bureau chief of the Dallas Morning News. They surely feared repercussi­ons from Trump and his voter base in the 2022 elections and beyond.

Senators have two fundamenta­l responsibi­lities: to serve their states, and to serve the country — by supporting and defending the Constituti­on, as they swear to do. Leaders of parties in the Senate have an additional responsibi­lity, keeping or gaining the majority in the chamber. Sometimes leaders let that latter responsibi­lity prevail over the one required by the oath, and put party before country.

If Trump wins in November, that could guarantee a Republican majority in the Senate, but now the party is the Republican Party in name only. It is the Trump Party, and that is not a party in which Mitch McConnell belongs. In endorsing Trump, he would be keeping a pledge, but one made before Trump was indicted for trying to overturn the 2020 election and other charges.

McConnell has an out. He should take it, or at least send a signal by delaying an endorsemen­t until Trump is actually nominated. Let’s hope McConnell’s announcing out of the party leadership is not the end of his national leadership.

Al Cross (X @ruralj) is a professor in the University of Kentucky School of Journalism and Media and director emeritus of its Institute for Rural Journalism and Community Issues. His opinions are his own, not UK’s. He was the longest-serving political writer for the Louisville Courier Journal (1989-2004) and national president of the Society of Profession­al Journalist­s in 2001-02. He joined the Kentucky Journalism Hall of Fame in 2010. The NKyTribune is the anchor home for his column.

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