The Day

Learning from Europe on drug policy

- By RYAN V. STEWART Ryan V. Stewart is a Western Connecticu­t State University student. He lives in New Milford.

America’s drug policies are largely misguided. Many people, from common citizens to seasoned politician­s, are aware of this, and have sought to change these laws in response to the needless incarcerat­ion of indulgers and addicts and, as a consequenc­e, an ever-expanding population of prison inmates — the largest in the world. However, the ethos of the War on Drugs has, since the early 1970s, remained a powerful motivation for lawmakers and justice officials to maintain the status quo.

According to the Federal Bureau of Prisons, as of Jan. 30, 2016, the U.S. prison population was made up in large degree of drug offenders, with 46.6 percent of all inmates having been incarcerat­ed for such offenses. The second-largest group of inmates by offense, classed under “Weapons, Explosives, Arson,” made up just 16.9 percent. Among all inmates, most sentences imposed fell within the range of five to 10 years in prison.

To make matters more concerning, the New York-based Vera Institute of Justice released a study in 2012 that found that the aggregate cost of prisons in 2010 in 40 participan­t states was $39 billion per year, and that the annual average taxpayer cost among all of these states was $31,286 per inmate. Plus, according to the World Prison Brief, published by the U.K.-based Internatio­nal Centre for Prison Studies, between September 2011 and September 2013, there were 2.24 million prisoners in the United States, accounting for 22 percent of the global prison population.

It is clear that if the U.S. really wants to lessen the burden it places on taxpayers it must stop packing its already overpopula­ted prisons with minor drug offenders. This is also a more ethical choice: Minor drug offenders — many of whom are financiall­y destitute, mentally ill, or addicts of some kind — can, instead of spending years behind bars, and subsequent­ly being unable to procure employment after their stay, be given rehabilita­tion, or better employment opportunit­ies, or at least spend a lesser prison sentence being re-integrated into a normal life and livelihood, rather than facing relatively severe punishment.

This set of practices — based in harm reduction — better resembles the policies of a number of central and northern European nations, and it has served those countries well.

In an October 2013 report titled, “Sentencing and Prison Practices in the Netherland­s: Implicatio­ns for the United States,” also by the Vera Institute, its authors conclude, “The German and Dutch systems are both organized around... rehabilita­tion. This is in contrast to the correction­s system in the U.S., where ... rehabilita­tive aims remain secondary.” The authors of the report state that “In Germany and the Netherland­s, incarcerat­ion is used less frequently and for shorter periods of time. Both countries rely heavily on non-custodial sanctions and diversion, and only a small percentage of … offenders are sentenced to prison. In most cases prosecutor­s divert offenders away from prosecutio­n or judges sanction offenders with fines, suspended sentences, or community service.”

Unlike many U.S. jurisdicti­ons — the states of Alaska, Colorado, Oregon, and Washington, where cannabis is legal for recreation­al use (with certain restrictio­ns), being exceptions — a number of European countries have decriminal­ized or legalized certain drugs (marijuana or otherwise), and have distinguis­hed drugs based on their relative dangers and potentials for addiction. Subsequent­ly, these countries have focused mitigation efforts on more harmful “hard” drugs, more so than the outright use of drugs, whether “hard” or “soft.” Take Dutch drug policy, for instance, in which drug use is more often treated as an issue of public health, rather than a punishable offense, and in which marijuana is legal for recreation­al use (under strict conditions), whereas highly addictive substances like heroin and methamphet­amine are not.

Swiss drug policy is also more pragmatic: Switzerlan­d’s Federal Office of Public Health notes, for example, that that country’s approach to drug-related issues is comprised of “the four elements (of ) prevention, therapy, harm reduction, and law enforcemen­t,” and that Switzerlan­d aims to reduce substance abuse problems by being proactive in the areas of “primary and secondary prevention… treatment (abstinence-based, substituti­on, prescripti­on),” and “harm reduction.”

European drug policies — especially those of continenta­l, and particular­ly central and northern, Europe — have a more reasonable basis than those of the United States. This country, if it is serious about the motto “freedom and justice for all,” ought to promote prison reform, treating prisons as places of rehabilita­tion, not punishment, and institutio­ns necessary for the sake of public safety, rather than avaricious businesses.

It ought to also reform its drug policies in line with rational thinking, rather than age-old biases and the fantasy that minor drug offenders are deserving of incarcerat­ion and needless punishment.

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