The Day

Pyongyang challenge: Should U.S. shoot Kim’s missiles down?

- By ERIC TALMADGE

Seoul, South Korea — With North Korea threatenin­g to send a salvo of ballistic missiles close to Guam, a U.S. military hub in the Pacific, pressure could grow for Washington to put its multibilli­on-dollar missile defense system into use and shoot them out of the air.

If U.S. territory is threatened, countermea­sures are a no-brainer. But if the missiles aren’t expected to hit the island — the stated goal is to have them hit waters well offshore — should it? Could it? It’s not an easy call. North Korea claims it is in the final stages of preparing a plan to launch four intermedia­te-range ballistic missiles over Japan and into waters off the tiny island of Guam, where about 7,000 U.S. troops are based and 160,000 U.S. civilians live.

Guam is a launching point for U.S. strategic bombers that the North, virtually flattened by U.S. bombs during the 195053 Korean War, sees as particular­ly threatenin­g. U.S. bombers have flown over the Korean Peninsula several times to show American strength after Pyongyang’s missile tests.

Unlike past missile launches that landed much closer to North Korean territory, firing a barrage near Guam would be extremely provocativ­e, almost compelling a response. Trying to intercept the missiles, however, would open up a whole new range of potential dangers.

Here’s the calculus.

The pros

Each missile North Korea launches brings it closer to having a reliable nuclear force capable of striking the United States mainland, or its allies and military facilities in Asia. Kim Jong Un has radically accelerate­d the pace of the North’s missile developmen­t, and many experts believe it could have an interconti­nental ballistic missile able to hit major American cities within a year or two.

It already has ballistic missiles that can strike Japan, a key ally and host to roughly 50,000 U.S. troops. It’s very possible the North could attack Japan and U.S. bases there with nuclear, chemical or biological warheads. But the North clearly still needs to conduct more tests to hone its technical skills.

In particular, doubts remain over whether it has perfected re-entry technology for its warheads. It also needs to train its troops to operate effectivel­y in the field to handle nuclear warheads and missiles on short notice.

Shooting down the North’s missiles would hamper its ability to glean the flight data it needs. And if his missiles prove no match for U.S. intercepto­rs, Kim Jong Un might be chastened into thinking twice before conducting any more.

Intercepti­ng a missile over the open ocean has the added benefit of not being a direct attack on North Korea itself. It would send a very strong message but leave more room for de-escalation than a pre-emptive strike against military facilities or other targets on the ground.

The cons

A big problem is that failure would not only be humiliatin­g, but could actually weaken the U.S. position more than doing nothing at all.

The U.S. has pumped billions of dollars into its missile defense systems and sold hundreds of millions of dollars’ worth to its allies, including the very controvers­ial deployment of a state-of-the-art system known by its acronym, THAAD, in South Korea. The U.S. military has also conducted two ICBM intercepto­r tests since May. Officials called them successes, but critics say they don’t replicate actual conditions close enough to be a fair gauge.

Taking out Guam-bound missiles would require successful intercepts by shipbased SM-3 “hit-to-kill” missiles over the Sea of Japan or land-based PAC-3 “Patriot” missiles on Guam. The shipbased defenses are designed to kill a missile that’s in midflight, while the ground-based ones take out whatever missiles make it through and are in the final stage.

But it’s highly questionab­le whether either or both would be able to take down the full salvo of four North Korean missiles. President Donald Trump hinted the defense system still needs beefing up on Thursday when he told reporters the U.S. will be spending billions more on them.

A failed intercept would likely embolden the North to move ahead even faster. It could also have a chilling psychologi­cal impact on allies like Japan and South Korea, which might seek to build up their own nuclear forces independen­tly of Washington. Rival powers China and Russia, meanwhile, might see the exposed weakness as an opportunit­y to push forward more assertive policies of their own.

Even if it were successful, a policy of shooting down missiles would undoubtedl­y raise tensions, and put an uncomforta­ble squeeze on American allies on the front lines.

Worst of all, if American intentions aren’t clear, an attempt to intercept a missile might be misinterpr­eted by Pyongyang — or Beijing or Moscow — and escalate into a real shooting war.

On a technical level, just as the North learns valuable informatio­n on its capabiliti­es with each launch, so does the U.S. military. Shooting down the missiles would cut that intelligen­ce off.

Bottom line

If the U.S. were to pursue this strategy, it would have to be hugely confident of success. And it would definitely want its allies fully on board.

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